A discussion on the concept of the national romance in literature as presented in "The Charwoman's Daughter" by James Stephens and "Translations" by Brian Friel.
Abstract This paper examines how in both the short story, "The Charwoman's Daughter" and the play, "Translations", James Stephens and Brian Friel use the national romance to illustrate the duel fates of Ireland under the influences of both English rule and traditional Irish culture. It looks at how Stephens creates a fairy-tale-like world where Ireland is a helpless damsel in distress trying to escape into the arms of Irish nationalism and away from the clutches of big, bad England. In contrast, it shows how Friel creates a more romanticized view of how the union between Ireland and England could be if the English only showed respect for Irish customs.
From the Paper "If Mary is the princess in Stephens's fairytale, than the lodger clerk is most definitely her knight in shining armor. Stephens's portrayal of colonialism is obviously not a positive one, mainly because Stephens was a supporter of the Irish Socialist Movement. The Socialist Movement was a group of Irish Nationalists who tried to muster a political force against Britain to put control of the Irish government and economy back into the hands of the people and generate equality between the social classes. Given this information, it makes perfect sense that the scrappy clerk, who wins over Mary's heart, is an Irish Nationalist and member of the Socialist party. "
Abstract This paper argues that Northern Ireland was very much an Orange State between the years 1920 and 1972. It shows that both the composition of the government and the gerrymandering that enforced it guaranteed a Protestant monopoly on power. In addition to lacking proportional political representation, Catholics were controlled through the Special Powers Act and other selectively enforced legislation that was virtually never applied to Protestant activities. The paper is nationalistic in tone.
From the Paper "By the end of 1920, the Specials were established. Membership overlapped with the UVF and the notorious B-specials (disbanded 1967) even retained the UVF's hierarchical structure. Although state security forces, as well as British forces, often acted in a partisan fashion, there was little alternative for another kind of force. Republicans could not be trusted in such a job and non-republican Catholics were unlikely to have been interested due to community pressure. When the police force finally did impose quotas for Catholic membership (after the period in question), Catholics applied in much smaller numbers."
Abstract The paper explains how the Celts had an influence on the history of Ireland. The paper discusses early Irish mythic sources and the Celts. The paper includes various legends that explain the migration of Celts to Ireland, including their rich oral and musical tradition. The paper also incorporates the domination of the Gaelic identity in Ireland.
From the Paper "Ireland has been formally identified with Celts since the ?th century though Celts influenced Irish history before then. Julius Caesar's commentaries divide Gaul, not the British Isles into three ethnic regions, by no means culturally or linguistically identical; Celtae, Aquitani and Belgae Rankin, placing them on the Continent. Early Irish mythic sources, partly taking their cue from classical descriptions of the Celts as Scoti, identified themselves with Scythians who flourished in ancient Asia Minor."
Abstract This paper chronicles the 1981 Hunger Strike that was staged by Nationalist prisoners in Northern Ireland's Maze Prison. The political background, its causes, and events of this demonstration are all discussed in depth from both perspectives of the British and North Ireland.
From the Paper ?In 1976 the British government tried to criminalize the Nationalist prisoners. In 1981 the Nationalist prisoners criminalized the British government.? In one of their many bumbling attempts to quell the violence in Northern Ireland that did not take into account long term consequences, the British government suspended the right of habeas corpus in 1971 and interned thousands of Nationalists without charges. Public outrage and the fact that the internees were viewed as distinct from the rest of the prison population caused the British government to allow them special privileges. Later, all imprisoned perpetrators of politically motivated crime were given the same rights when they were granted Special Category Status in 1972. The British government soon realized their mistake in legitimizing the Nationalist struggle against them by treating them as prisoners of war. They ended the internment policy and criminalized all acts of violence, no matter the motivation. The Nationalist prisoners responded with a chain of demonstrations that culminated in the 1981 Hunger Strike. This protest managed, through the death of ten prisoners and the election of one of those to the Northern Ireland Assembly, to bring the Nationalist cause to worldwide attention and arouse both popular and political support at home.
Abstract The British government has been intimately and disastrously involved in Ireland for centuries. This paper examines the divisions between Roman Catholics and Protestants that culminated in the division of the island into two separate political entities. It commences with the Act of Union (1801) that united Ireland and Great Britain and concludes with partition, political formalization of the cleavages, in the twentieth century.
Abstract This paper discusses the country of Northern Ireland, and some of the strife present in this divided country. The author outlines the situation between Catholic and Protestant inhabitants. An in-depth look at the I.R.A. (Irish Republican Army) and Sinn Fein is offered.
From the Paper "Northern Ireland is an administrative division of the United Kingdom, which is situated, in the northeastern portion of the island of Ireland. The remaining portion of the island is part of the Republic of Ireland. Northern Ireland constitutes about 17 percent of the land area of Ireland and has 31 percent of the island's population. The capital of Northern Ireland is Belfast. Northern Ireland's population is deeply divided along religious and political lines. The split between the Protestant majority and the Catholic minority extends deep into Northern Ireland's past and has strongly influenced the region's culture, settlement patterns, and politics."
Abstract The paper argues that Terence Brown's work, "A Social and Cultural History of Ireland, 1922- 1979" is a seminal example of the strengths and weaknesses of Reconstructionist History. It examines how the data in the book focuses on important and hitherto unexamined cultural roles and history 'from the ground up,' but it also lacks the definition provided by more traditional histories. It shows that Reconstructionist history's greatest weakness, however, is the political debate it provokes but does not resolve.
From the Paper "Ireland: A Social and Cultural History 1922-1979 was written in 1981 by Terence Brown. As the title suggests, the book is a construction of the various groups, beliefs, and moods that characterized and laid the backdrop to the first 57 years of the Irish Free State. It should be understood just as much, however, as a fitting work for a period in which the general Social Sciences gained a more postmodern perspective. As such, the book takes form as an argumentative approach to describing history not just as great moments but also as a mosaic and a result of more encompassing cultural and social means."
Abstract This paper examines the invasions of various peoples who influenced the growth and division of Ireland. The paper begins with the invasions of the Vikings, Christians and English, then continuing with the influence of the Scot Norrans.
From the Paper "Ireland's historical development can in part be traced through the various peoples who invaded and or settled on the land. This research examines the invasions of the Vikings, Christians and English who influenced the growth and division of Ireland as well as the influence of the so-called Scot Norrans. The Viking period in Ireland began in the late eighth and persisted until the tenth century. Ireland was relatively accessible from the North Sea whence the Vikings sailed on multiple raids."
Abstract This paper analyzes the bloody battles between Irish Protestant and Irish Catholic, and between Irish Unionist and Irish Nationalist, said to be the inevitable result of heavy handed government policies which failed to address the needs and concerns of upset and often outraged minorities. The paper looks further at the problems in Northern Ireland within the context of what role the state played in exacerbating these issues, in this case the British government and its counterpart in Ulster, and what role it played finally in lessening the tensions between Catholics and Protestants.
A research study looking at the impact nationalism has had on Europe and, in particular, the way in which nationalism as an ideological concept is perceived and understood.
Abstract This paper explores the assumption that the views and theories about nationalism are to a great extent determined by the dominant theories, philosophies and perceptions of the age. In this sense it is a contention of this paper that modern nationalism needs to be understood within the context of the broader issues of modern and postmodern speculative thought. This paper also attempts to ascertain the way that theorists and thinkers over the years have understood and influenced the concept and ideology of nationalism. The study therefore provides an overview of the salient most cogent theories and perspectives on the changing views of nationalism. Additionally, the paper attempts to refer these theories and counter theories to actual contemporary situations.
Table of Contents
Introduction
What is Nationalism?
Nationalism and Ideology
Cultural Nationalism Romanticism and Nationalism Nationalism as a Social Construction
Hobsbawm and Geller
Summations and Reflections
From the Paper "It is something of a truism to say that ethnic and nationalist movements have become a dominant force in the world in the past century. It is also relatively easy to forecast that the future of Europe will be shaped to a great extent by nationalistic imperatives and philosophies. One only has to look at the recent history of Eastern Europe and the Balkans for general and tentative conformation of these assumptions. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fragmentation of the region have allowed nationalisms and ethnic groups to emerge in many areas. And, according to modern theorists of nationalism, we are also seeing the invention of new "nationalisms" that are being constructed by political and ideological forces - sometimes with devastating consequences."
Abstract The writer of this paper contends that the reason the internet is such a big part of globalization is due to the fact that for the first time in history, any individual in any part of the world can communicate in a completely uncensored way over the entire planet. This paper focuses on the combination of nationalism and isolationism within the realm of the internet. This paper examines the advantages of nationalism that began to flourish, thanks in large part to internet technology, as the first world nations and the rest of the industrialized world separated itself from the less capable or developed nations. This paper analyzes the numerous aspects of the internet which are far different from other mediums as it provides a way to present information in a variety of approaches, each uniquely different and targeted to a specific audience. The paper also discusses the downside to the internet and advanced technology, in that it has become a source of isolationism in many third world countries. The writer claims that internet access on a global scale has a definite negative stigma which has been termed the 'digital divide.' This paper examines how the movement of globalization and strong nationalism has isolated third world nations. The writer contends that while nationalism flourishes, attention must be given to the those third world countries that have become more and more isolated due to their inability to bring technology to their citizens.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Internet
Nationalism & Globalization
Isolationism
Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper "The internet is basically a way for organizations, parties and movements to present them selves in the same way as we would look at a magazine, newspaper, radio shows or television presentations. The unique aspects of the Internet that is different from these other mediums because it provides a way to present information in a plethora of ways, each way uniquely different for however the target audiences may be. In the same respect, the Internet can personalize 'homepages,' or web sites to also present a very individual message for different audiences. The Internet, therefore, is a much more public and at the same time personal provider of information. This also entails that a majority of the Internet is completely dominated by individual users such as newsgroups, chats, BBS while other parts are completely commercial business related."
Abstract This paper attempts to provide a more critical examination of what is meant by nationalism by looking to two works of fiction ? the 1919 Mr Standfast by John Bucan and the 1933 mystery novel Murder on the Orient Express by Agatha Christie. Both of these novels develops ideas of nationalism that are rooted in the historical concerns of these moments in time. Both in many ways now seem to us rather quaintly nostalgic. However, it is important to understand how very much the ideas ? and ideals ? of nationalism that are expressed in these two books are still with us today.
From the paper:
"We are currently surrounded with reminders of how the fabric of nationalism is woven: This has, of course, been especially true since the attacks on American on the 11th of September. It has become increasingly difficult to go anywhere now without seeing flags or other forms of patriotism and nationalism. And yet, while the heart may indeed swell at such demonstrations, the current uprising of nationalist sentiment provides a moment not only for us to join together in mutually felt pride in our nation but also to examine precisely what it is that nationalism means."
Abstract This paper explains that Umut Ozkirimli stated in ?Theories of Nationalism? that nationalism has been around for more than two hundred years, but serious scholarly examinations of the origins and spread of nationalism did not begin to pick up momentum until after WWII. The author points out that this book is best when arguing Ozkirimli's perspective and bringing others? views to light. The paper relates that Anthony Smith's book seeks to separate ?nationalism? from ?national identity?.
From the Paper "Smith points out that Gellner (whose ideas and work appear on 44 pages of Ozkirimli's book, but in only 3 pages of Smith's book), the ?modernist,? says nationalism (page 71) ?is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness; it invents nations where they do not exist,? albeit it does need some "pre-existing differentiating marks to work on"? That statement is disputable, given the nationalism that has run its course in the 20th Century. Did Hitler awaken Germany to self-consciousness in the late 1930s, adroitly exploiting the German common man's resentment for the outcome of WWI? The answer has to be yes."
Abstract This paper argues that ,while environmental treaties are justified in their interference with issues traditionally related to state sovereignty, such interference allows nations to challenge environmental treaties. It explains that this was very clear in the case of the Convention on Climate Change when several nations, such as the United States and China, refused to abide by the treaty, and even more, did not follow its terms even after agreeing to them. The writer points out that one of the most noticeable factors here is that it is mainly the industrialized or developed nations that have the power and strength to openly defy these treaties, while the Third World countries cannot for the simply reason that financial aid is, to some degree, partly dependant upon their national environmental laws. In this sense, an imbalance develops whereby the developed world has the choice to either reject or accept those treaties, and the Third World largely does not. From an analysis of this imbalance, and after proving it with reference to a number of global environmental treaties, this paper argues that the only solution lies in the creation of an international body for global environmental governance in which nations, regardless of their economic and political status, are equally represented. The aim of such a body would be to ensure respect for environmental treaties, eliminate imbalance,s and respond to one basic truth: the environment is a shared space, and one nation's abuse of it affects the lives of all people across the world. Thus, state sovereignty is an irrelevant issue here, as no nation has sovereignty over the environment.
From the Paper "The concept of national sovereignty has, since the emergence of nation-states, been regarded as sacred. At least, citizens and national governments have regarded their nation's sovereignty as sacred. That attitude was eventually transferred into law. Thereby, international law and treaties currently acknowledge and protect the principle of national sovereignty, conceding to a nation's rights to self determination and to resistance of external interventions in internal or national policies and decision making processes. However, while sovereignty is a popularly acknowledged and jealously protected political principle, sovereignty is not absolute and has its limitations. These limitations are defined by the interests of other nations and the collective welfare of all people and countries. Hence, no nation is absolutely sovereign and no government has the authority to act as it wishes within its national borders, arguing that it is protected by the principle of sovereignty. The simple fact of the matter is that in various international issues, most especially those relating to environmental policies, no country should have absolute sovereignty since, as emphasized by Robert Goodland and Herman Daly, the environment is not national but international or "universal" (1002-1003). Consequently, as relates to the environment, the concept of national sovereignty is a contentious issue."
Abstract Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper "Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of "nation" and "nation state" it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
Tags:nationalism, culture, religion, history, society, zionism, balkan
