Abstract This paper studies the impact of GamalAbdelNasser's leadership in Egypt on the country's economic policy. The paper begins with a brief review of Nasser's rise to power in the 1950s. Next, the paper turns to an assessment of Nasser's various economic policies, including land redistribution, construction of the Aswan Dan and nationalization of the Suez Canal. The paper concludes that Nasser was responsible for redesigning the economic policy of a nation that had endured decades of imperialist rule.
Outline
Introduction
Economic Policy
Land Redistribution
Aswan Dam
Suez Canal
Economic Conclusions
From the Paper "To understand the impact that Nasser had in the economic arena, it is essential to briefly discuss his past and rise to power. Nasser was born in Banny Mor Asyout, Egypt. He eventually moved to Cairo, as a result of his father's job as Inspector in Minister of Post. In Cairo he eventually earned his high school diploma, during which time he partook in several demonstrations against British occupation of his homeland. In 1937 Nasser joined military school, "he graduated on 1938 to join the third platoon in Asyout where he met Anwar El Sadat, and Zakaria Mohyi El Deen who later joined him in the "Free Officers" organization."
Abstract Discusses the life, rule, accomplishments & failures of the Egyptian leader. Historical background. Rise to power in 1952. Political actions. Nonalignment policy. Relations with Israel. Alliance with Soviet Bloc. 1956 Suez crisis. Nasser's devotion to Pan-Arabism & impact on U.S. relations. Six-day War (1967). Nasser's contribution to Egypt, including land reform, emancipation of women.
From the Paper "Gamal Abdel-Nasser and the Middle East
Introduction
Gamal Abdel-Nasser is often at the center of a heated controversy whenever Egyptians observe the anniversary of the 23 July 1952 Revolution. The event ended the monarchy and went on to rid Egypt of the last vestiges of Britain's seven.decade occupation, restoring Egypt's status as a leading regional power. Intellectuals and ordinary people alike still debate whether he was a blessing or curse to the country.
Nasser was known for his vehement opposition to Israel and his outspoken criticism of the West, a matter which lost him American and European support, particularly when he embarked on the building of the High Dam, an ambitious project designed to provide Egypt with electricity and protect the country against..."
Abstract This paper examines how, completed sometime between the years of 1858 and 1869, the Suez Canal has played a major role in the transportation of ships between Europe and the Far East. It looks at how, from the time the passage was first opened until the year it was nationalized by GamalAbdelNasser, leader of the Egyptian people, the owners of the canal had been the French and British stockholders, how this nationalization of the Suez Canal caused a major crisis between the East and the West, and how, ironically, the United States and Russia were not involved directly. It looks at how the conflict over the Suez Canal served to make the region a hot-spot during the Cold War and attempts to understand why it was such an important event for all countries involved..
From the Paper "Nasser and the newly formed Arab forces were now concentrating on the destruction of Israel. After meeting with various Third World countries, it was obvious that the goals of these countries continued to be a struggle against the Hashemites for leadership of the Muslim world and to take advantage of anti-Zionist sentiments to unite the Arab peoples. (Judge) As was the goal for most of the Third World countries, they would use the Cold War to their advantage and wait for either the United States or Russia to come running to them and offer something more and better than the other."
Abstract This paper explains that, although Gamal Abdal Nasser infused the nation with a new, heady confidence and energy during the early part of his reign in the 1950s, his cult of personality failed to create important modern cultural and political structures that would enable Egypt to compete effectively with the West. The author points out Nasser's reign must be considered a fundamental and lasting failure based upon his sustained autocracy that created a template for strong-fisted and undemocratic cultural and political resistance to the West. The paper relates that Nasser did change the Middle East by asserting an ideological legacy, Pan-Arab unity and defiance to the economic control of the West but without creating a sustainable political system, which can tolerate dissent.
From the Paper "Maher al-Charif of the Institute d'Etudes Arabe in Damascus sees the failure of Nasser to transform his society primarly as an intellectual one. Nasser did not proceed beyond an ideology of resistance to the colonial legacy. Nasser failed because he did not understand that constructing a modern state and society required a free society and did not encourage liberal Islamic clerics who reconcile Islam with Western economic demands. Today, democracy and economic liberalism is now tainted with American cultural colonialism because of Nasser's refusal to let go of his autocratic controls over the Egyptian press and universities."
Abstract The paper discusses the essential features of Nasser's rule along with the primary events that shaped and exemplified his pivotal place in the history of the twentieth century Arab world. The paper briefly highlights the essential tenets of Arab nationalism and goes on to show how, although Nasser attempted to instill widespread nationalist unity in the Arab world, he nonetheless ultimately failed to fully bring about his Pan Arab ideals. The paper believes that the Arab world's strong national basis for its identity caused the failure of the Arab nationalist movement.
From the Paper "Gamel Abdel Nasser arguably played a greater part in the development of Arab nationalism than any of his contemporises. Indeed, for many years he embodied the central premises of the nationalist ideology and in many respects represented its figurehead in the Arab world. The roots of Arab nationalism can be found in the early years of the twentieth century and therefore Nasser did not play a role in the movements' beginnings. However, during his tenure as President of Egypt from 1956 to 1970 he did more than anyone to foster and propel the vision of an Arab world united in ideology and spirit."
Abstract In this paper the author looks at the regime of Abdul Nasser in Egypt and the changes it brought to the Egyptian lifestyle. He starts the paper with an examination of the early years after Nasser came to power, as a result of the monarchy at that time being overthrown. Nasser declared Egypt a republic, was anti-colonial and steadily developed a state form of capitalism that was typically nationalist. The author goes on to detail the changes that Nasser instituted into society which benefited the Egyptian people, like the laws that privileged industry over agriculture. The author mentions the special law that was introduced which spared new companies from paying taxes on profits for a seven year period. The paper also looks at the political changes that Nasser introduced and how he played the Soviet powers against the U.S. powers. In conclusion the author describes Nasser as a pragmatic leader, willing to cooperate tactically with the West so long as this cooperation was based on his own stipulations.
From the Paper "The Ba'th considered that a conservative boycott might very well result in election victories for the better-organized communists, which would have been particularly true in Populist-dominated Aleppo. The communists were about the only ones in Syria who wanted the municipal elections held as planned. Seventy communist candidates had enroll for the vote by 11 October, compared with 75 for the much more numerous Nationalists and 35 for the Ba'th. Nasser and his Ba'thist allies believed that they could help their cause in Aleppo by staging a dramatic
'rescue', with the likelihood of changing the view of most Aleppans toward Egypt and thus providing more votes for Ba'thist candidates. It is not astonishing that the Egyptians and Ba'thists exaggerated the Turkish threat, giving plenty of airtime to the purported Turkish battle cry 'on to Aleppo'. Nasser and the Ba'thists, as well as the conservatives, were clearly worried about communist advances in Syria and the concomitant increase in Soviet influence. The Ba'th had allied itself with the communists to combat imperialism and the old-guard Syrian politicians; when they thrive, with proportionately more power ensue to the communists as Syria's relationship with the Soviet Union tightened during the crisis."
Tags: arab, bourgeoise, politics, capitalist, syria, populist, military, coup, muslim
Abstract Through an examination of both Machiavelli and Weber's theories regarding the acquisition of power, the practice of authority, and the basis of legitimacy, this paper attempts to prove that the two theories not only complement each other, but complete each other. Following the theoretical discussion, the paper attempts to apply the conclusions of the theoretical section to Egypt's second, and possibly most important president, GamalAbdelNasser. Furthermore, the paper attempts to demonstrate that, while Nasser may have initially acquired legitimacy as Egypt's leader due to his charismatic nature, fulfilling one of Weber's three sources of legitimacy, he would not have maintained power nor the ability to exercise authority had he not resorted to a more Machiavellian form of power-play, befriending enemies and then undercutting them, making examples of those who opposed him to prevent further opposition, additionally undermining the power of friends, such as Abdel Hakim Amer, as soon as he perceived them to have excessive power and a base of popularity, which could act as a motivation for acquisition of power and a basis for the legitimate exercise of authority.
From the Paper "Among the fundamental political terms that are in everyday use are authority, power and legitimacy. Most frequently use these words in their daily conversations, referring to a wide variety of power processes, practices of authority and types of legitimacy. For instance, many Egyptians angrily discuss their President's apparently limitless scope of power, his authority over all aspects of government and decision-making, questioning the very basis of his legitimacy, or right to such power and authority. Although they come close to the meaning of these terms, they have not fully grasped their implications, nor would most have guessed that each has undergone a long process of definition and redefinition or that political scientists have yet to forward single comprehensive definitions for each, agreed on by all. In other words, while each of authority, power and legitimacy are commonly used everyday words, this research paper cannot proceed without defining these terms within a political framework."
Abstract The paper introduces the 3 major religions - Judaism, Islam and Christianity. It shows their historical ties to the Holy Land and the significance of these religions to Palestine and Israel. The paper then gives an overview of the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and surmises that the conflict is not a religious one, rather it is a struggle over land.
From the Paper "Moreover, to date, these conditions have further deteriorated in that area. The 11 September attacks were carried out by Arabs lead by Osama Bin Laden based in Afghanistan who expressed solidarity with the Palestinian cause for the first time. This also brought into world focus the South Asian region, US attacks in Afghanistan have further highlighted the second most dangerous flashpoint in the world that is between India and Pakistan.
The Palestinian/Israeli conflict and the south Asian situation can further get out of hand if both sides do not act rationally. Evicting one from the area will not solve the problem instead; it will further worsen the situation. Bilateral talks keeping in mind the proposals of both the sides. US can act as the mediator as it is world's only super power and in spite of all the failures of the recent past can broker a deal between all the concerned parties."
Abstract This paper explains how the Suez crisis of 1956 marked a decisive military defeat, yet it was a great political and economic victory for President Nasser, Egypt, and the entire Arab world. It shows how the nationalization of the canal provided the Arab world with the hero it so badly needed. Nasser provided guidance for his people and also provided an end to the period of Western imperial dominance in Egypt.
From the Paper "With Nasser's nationalization of Suez, the Western powers were furious regarded the nationalization as ?theft.? What came to be known as the Tripartite aggression in the East, the collaboration of Britain, France, and Israel all began to deploy troops for Suez immediately.10 All of the involved nations had their concerns with Nasser's nationalization of the canal, but the four nations most chiefly concerned with the affair were Britain, France, the United States, and Israel.11 The Western powers of Britain, France, and the United States were much more concerned with the economic aspect of its nationalization, rather than the physical usage of it. For the West, Suez represented the quickest, most economical means of shipping to India and the far East. Both Britain and France had major economic interests in the canal12 and British ships represented seventy percent of the canal's daily traffic. As Terrence Robertson put it, the Suez canal was ?the spinal cord of the British Empire.?13 With respect to the United States, the only reason that they did not take immediate military action is that of the ramifications it would have had on the Cold War and their already tense relationship with the Soviet Union.14 Other reasons for hostility among the Westerners include the fact that Nasser had been aiding the Algerians in their movement against the French, Israel was angry about their banishment from the gulf of Aqueba and perhaps from Suez altogether upon total Egyptian control."
Tags: arab, aswan, britain, dam, egypt, league, nasser, oppression
Abstract This paper explains that Y. Nasrullah's films typically address some aspect of contemporary Egypt or the Middle East, including issues of leftism and Islamic militancy, and illustrate dimensions of political events and society, which are lesser known or not known to outsiders.
The author points out that "Summer Thefts", set in the summer of 1961, is most worthwhile for its depiction of an Egypt left behind with the arrival of President Nasser's radical agrarian reform agenda that could affect harshly landowning Egyptians and the Westernized bourgeoisie. The paper relates that, above all, this film gives the viewer access to a most varied Egyptian population in keeping with other Middle Eastern powers of which little tends to be known.
From the Paper "Between June and September of 1961, Nasser nationalized the major heavy and medium industries, banks, insurance, shipping and public transport industries. Agrarian real estate, domestic trade and small industry were left in the hands of a bourgeoisie whose members would often opt to go elsewhere, much of their capital lost overnight to nationalization of commercial and industrial ventures and without confidence in the Egyptian economy to produce new opportunities or demand. The reader comes to see that families such as Nasrullah's in "Summer Thefts" were not just divided by politics."
Abstract This paper breaks the war down, and gives details of the events of each day. The paper also looks at the broader political picture and how this conflict fits into it. By recounting a brief history of the Middle East post World War II and examining the events of the Six-Day War, this paper reveals how Israel's military progress was both advanced and restricted by the influence of the Super-powers in the region.
From the Paper "The Six Days War was essentially a regional conflict until one considers its broader Cold War strategic implications. As a client of the United States, Israel was able to utilize its air power to its fullest, allowing the Israeli army to make astounding gains in the course of a few days. So dominant was the air superiority of Israel that the conquest of the Arab nations surrounding it seemed almost inevitable. Further, support from the United States in the form of military hardware and diplomatic inaction allowed Israel to prosecute the war more effectively and to extend its dominance over its Arab neighbours in less than a week. Conversely, the threat of intervention by the USSR, in order to protect strategic interests in the region, prevented Israel from completely conquering the Middle East. "
Abstract This paper discusses the difference in leadership style between present CEO, Bill Ford, Jr., and the previous CEO, Jacques Nasser. Ford, Jr. is described as a leader who emphasizes employee relationships and employee satisfaction, and Nasser is described as someone who emphasizes the technical aspects of the job. Ford, Jr. is presented in a positive light, while Nasser is presented in a more negative light.
From the Paper "Ford appears to be overcoming any resistance to these changes by serving as an educator and facilitator, as well as communicating to, and supporting the staff. He has always been well liked by the company's blue-collar and white-collar employees. He wants to get "back to the basics" as far as the business is concerned. He wants to reconcile the company. Planned change within an organization can lead to positive results on the organization as a whole, and it's effectiveness accomplishing its goals within the business world. Ford is working at restoring company morale, which can be directly associated with product quality levels. This can be done through communication."
Abstract This paper is a summary of the military history of the 1967 Middle East War. Topics covered include: The causes leading to the outbreak of hostilities, the three fronts of conflict, and a brief discussion of the aftermath. There is also a close look at individual battles.
From the Paper " To the southwest, the fortress of Jerardi was the main defense around Rahfa. The fortress itself contained thirty bunkered tanks and several thousand troops. The Egyptian 7th division defended the whole of Rahfa, supported by a substantial amount of artillery. Following a thirty-minute air strike, Israeli armor charged the fortification. Immediately, the lead tank struck a mine and exploded into flames. Immediately, the Israeli columns decided to flank the positions, and infantry in half-tracks followed close behind. The attack quickly bogged down in the dunes, but not before the Israeli Patton tanks succeeded in knocking out all of the six battalions of Arab artillery. As a result, Jerardi fell to the Israeli?s, fifty of whom lay dead (Marshall, 1967 pg. 45). However, once a lead IDF tank force reached El Arish, the Egyptians closed their scattered forces around the highway and retook Jerardi, which the IDF had no garrisoned. The result was 10 hours of close combat with submachine guns and grenades. Once the fighting had ended, the division spent until dawn Tuesday regrouping."
Tags: 1967, arab, bank, battle, conflict, dayan, days, east, egypt, gaza, intifada, israel, united, nations, jew, jihad, jordan, middle, military, nasser, six, soviet, suez, syria, union, war, west
Abstract This paper discusses the impact of American policy support for Israel on the Arab-Israeli conflict. It acknowledges America's identity as a super-power, and as such, its ability to be a determining factor in the success of a foreign national agenda. The discussion explores the issue of American support for the Israeli cause.
From the Paper "As World War II drew to a close, and the planet was forced into a recalibration of unprecedented proportions, the United States began its long emergence as the most expansive super-power that had yet been known. Its influence, that would compete virulently with the post-war Soviet influence for half a century, has since disseminated into every facet of the geopolitical theatre. As such, American support can operate as the determining factor in the success of a national agenda."
History in 20th Century efforts to unify Arab states and peoples for political, economic and military purposes, obstacles, common bonds, leadership (Nasser, Hussein), the Arab League and the Baath Party.
3,150 words (approx. 12.6 pages), 4 sources, 1999, $ 111.95
Abstract The idea of pan-Arabism or a political and cultural identity that includes all the Arab-speaking states has grown in strength throughout the second half of the 20th century
From the Paper "The idea of pan-Arabism or a political and cultural identity that includes all the Arab-speaking states has grown in strength throughout the second half of the 20th century. However, this growth has not been perfectly steady or continuous. Some countries have favored the idea more than others, and favored it more or less at different times depending on their own internal needs as well as larger regional and international political circumstances.
There are a number of ironies and self-contradictions involved in ideas of pan-Arabism, some of which shall be explored later on in this paper. However, the most striking one should be noted initially. While it is true that many countries in the Middle East (as well as in other regions of the world) are united by their population's use of the Arab language, the ..."
