A comparison of John Stuart Mill's "On Liberty", Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America", and Carl Schmitt's "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy".
Abstract This paper discusses the problems of democracy as cited in three major works on the subject: John Stuart Mill's "On Liberty", Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America", and Carl Schmitt's "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy". The paper elaborates upon the views of Mill and de Tocqueville, who both believed that the tyranny of the majority was particularly worrisome in democracies, compared to other political systems. The paper also outlines the major features of Carl Schmitt's critiques of parliamentary democracy, in which he contrasts between how parliamentary government is designed to function and how it actually functions. The paper further discusses Schmitt's argument that democratic institutions function through corrupt political deal-making and that rational political debate and election results have little impact on government decision-making. The paper concludes that Mill and de Tocqueville realized that the solutions for these problems actually lay within the democratic system.
From the Paper "Schmitt was also critical of parliamentary systems because he believed that the nature of democracy itself is based upon meaningless abstractions such as equality and liberty. To him, these high-sounding concepts were little more than a sham, for most people care very little about equal rights and liberty and most political leaders care even less. Leaders deliver grand speeches in parliaments and legislatures about democracy, but behind the scenes, they act in their own self-interest. And in society, the average citizen is just as hypocritical, for they resent any action by the government or other citizens that is detrimental to their self-interest, while paying lip service to democracy and equal rights for all."
Abstract This book analyzes the book "Democracy in America", which was written in the middle of the nineteenth century by French traveler, Alec de Tocqueville. The author of this paper maintains that de Tocqueville's portrayal of his vision of the character and future of American society was practically prophetic. The paper reviews within a modern context de Tocquevill's references to the entrenched materialism and commercialism; class conflict; separate spheres for men and women; and of a confusion between freedom and equality. The paper illustrates how most of de Tocqueville's observations and analyses of the United States remain relevant today, more than a hundred years later.
From the Paper "For instance, in Chapter One of the second book of Democracy in America, the author states, "...equality, pushed to its furthest extent, may be confounded with freedom, yet there is good reason for distinguishing the one from the other. The taste which men have for liberty and that which they feel for equality are, in fact, two different things," (para. 5). The difference between liberty and equality, which is rarely vocalized as bluntly as it is in de Tocqueville's work, has been one of the underlying themes running throughout the course of American history. Whether class conflict, racial division, or gender role differentiation, American society has fulfilled de Tocqueville's image: "for equality their passion is ardent, insatiable, incessant, invincible; they call for equality in freedom; and if they cannot obtain that, they still call for equality in slavery." Similarly, de Tocqueville summed up the nature of American materialism: "The heart of man is of a larger mold; it can at once comprise a taste for the possessions of earth and the love of those of heaven; at times it may seem to cling devotedly to the one, but it will never be long without thinking of the other," (Book 2, Ch. 15). Regarding most matters of American society and ideology such as gender and race relations; class conflict; political climate; and material culture, de Tocqueville hits the nail on the head; only a few of De Tocqueville's observations were off the mark."
Abstract This paper discusses Alexis de Tocqueville's book, "Democracy in America," translated by Arthur Goldhammer. The paper discusses Tocquville's view that religion - and in particular, Christianity - acts as a buffer to individualism and materialism and their potentially adverse effects. It specifically looks at the role of Christianity in American society.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
The Spirit of Religion
Potential Problems in America's Nascent Democratic Society: Isolation and Individualism, and Extreme Materialism
Religion Counteracts the Potential Problems in America and Contributes Greatly to the Continued Prosperity of the Democracy Conclusion
From the Paper "In Democracy in America, Tocqueville made it clear that although the equality of conditions in America has given the budding country much hope, it has also given the young democracy much to fear. Among the main problems that Tocqueville saw as inherent in American democracy are the country's isolationist tendencies (and, consequently, its inclination towards individualism), and its proclivity for an extreme form of materialism. According to Tocqueville, religion - and in particular, Christianity - acts as a buffer to individualism and materialism and their potentially adverse effects; moreover, Christianity additionally plays a "positive" role by contributing greatly to the well-being and prosperity of American society. In particular, Tocqueville claimed that Christianity's acceptance of its limits (e.g. by staying far removed from political concerns, and by being keenly observant of and sensitive to public opinion), as well as its ability to actively and successfully give moral guidance, make it the best religion for American democracy."
Abstract This paper explores the profound political theory of John Stuart Mill, which created the foundation of democracy as we know it. It describes the society Mill had imagined. The author argues that the current society has made a mockery of individual rights and liberties, and states that the authorities must have more control over the individual.
From the Paper "John Stuart Mill wrote that the individual's rights and liberties should be recognized and respected by society, with only marginal control. While he acquiesced that the individual must return something for the benefits and protection he receives from society, society's authority should be enforced when the individual violates the law or injures the rights of others. He was emphatic about the individuals? being allowed to extend himself as fully as possible and society's restraining itself in the individuals? assertion of his personal choices. He derived his position on the fallibility of society and that nonconformist way would keep society on its toes to keep progressing and remaining alert."
Abstract Research centering on Alcide de Gasperi centers primarily upon secondary accounts of historical record in which the political decisions, speeches, and records are maintained. De Gasperi formed a new government coalition in consequence of his attitude in interior and foreign policy. Alcide de Gasperi oversaw Italy's entry into the Cold War. Within Italy, Gasperi was forced to deal with a polarized nation. The Christian Democrats were forced to change Italy into an actively Western state. Gasperi is credited with bringing Italy into the fold of Western capitalism and Democracy.
Abstract This paper discusses and contrasts three different viewpoints on morality, beginning with the narrowest one, that of German theologian Immanuel Kant, which is based on the belief that rationality is the formulating constant allowing for the assumption of absolute moral principles. The writer then applies this viewpoint to the consideration of the more nuanced ideas of John Stuart Mill and Dr. Martin Luther King who wrote concerning the practical association between moral behavior, rationality and the inherent role played by society and individuals in actualizing this correlation. The paper concludes that ideas on morality such as Kant's may well be the reason that individuals like King would be forced to fight and die for rational ends.
From the Paper "Here then, we come to understand why Kant's assumptions are dangerous. They do not allow for the possibility that rationality may be formed not upon a shared recognition of the order of good and bad in the universe but upon some collective will with distinctly human ends. This is a subject which is clearly examined in the case of civil rights activist and American spiritual leader, Dr. Martin Luther King. A figure of central importance to the drive for equal rights and the abrogation of America's longstanding policies of intended racial disparity, he would draw upon both the moral and rational ideals which preceded his notoriety in the 1950s and 1960s in order to refute the rationale underlying Jim Crow. In his examination of a 'moral America,' King offers the debate on morality and rationality some refined insights."
This paper explains why Americans continue to reflect and quote from Tocqueville's classic book, "Democracy in America," which was written more than 150 years ago and how it's still relevant in today's society.
Abstract This paper explores the reasons "Democracy in America" is repeatedly quoted as a commentator on life in America and why numerous politicians reference the book in speeches as well as political and presidential campaigns. The author goes on to explain why candidates and incumbents consequently turn to one of its most perceptive analysts, Tocqueville, as he mixes a gratitude towards democracy with an acknowledgement of its flaws. The book is often considered a major source for anyone who wants to better understand America. The paper also addresses the author's views on democracy, freedom and the role of the government.
From the Paper "The other danger Tocqueville acknowledged occurred when the people became so fixed in pursuit of material pleasures that they neglected their duties as citizens. "Under this system the citizens quit their state of dependence just long enough to choose their masters and then fall back into it."8 Democracy, then, could lead gently into a benign despotism, although there was no assurance that such a government would remain benign and much evidence to the contrary. In these elections, candidates typically remind the populace that voting is a key obligation as a way to preserve the essence of the democratic process. Candidates gradually begin to realize that the 21st century Tocquevillian America is not necessarily Republican, any more than Tocqueville's 1830s America inevitably voted for the Jacksonian Democrats. (The Whigs, when they escaped the thrall of their New England elites, won elections too, and in the 1990s Bill Clinton has shown that Democrats can win by convincing margins."
Tags: literature, democracy, united, states, government
Abstract This paper compares the America of today to the America of Alexis De Tocqueville, claiming that were De Tocqueville alive today to see what America has become he would snicker at what he wrote about America being a society that gave equal opportunities to all.
From the Paper "Alexis De Tocqueville seemed smitten with the freedom and the lack of hereditary privilege he found in America in the first half of the nineteenth Century. What he saw then was a nation not bound by hereditary estates or titles, but supposedly gave equal opportunities to all. His revolution created Napoleon. The American Revolution produced the Constitution, Washington Jefferson and Madison."
Tags: liberals, left-wingers, democracy, vote, elections, intellect, unequal, distribution
Abstract This is a critical paper on the nature of American Democracy, largely focusing on the writing of James Madison and Alexis de Tocqueville. The author compares and contrasts the two writers and their respective philosophies, focusing on the advantages and disadvantages of each in Democratic factions.
From the Paper "In his book, Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocqueville spends a fair amount of time discussing the American's fondness for association. This formation of associations is looked upon by some, especially James Madison, as threatening and injurious towards the political process of the United States. By others, like Robert Putnam, this process of association can make life easier and contributes enormously to the idea of social capital. Often, the most difficult aspect of government is establishing how it will be run and how it will govern. The heart of this debate lies in whether or not it is better for American democracy to promote the political involvement of its citizens or whether to let the government "run of itself". It is my position that, although more democratic, Putnam and Tocqueville's concept of social equality would not be able to be maintained."
Abstract This paper is a dissertation on the necessity for education in a democratic society. It deals with the problems ignorance can cause with regard to freedom and some possible explanations for these current problems.
From the paper:
"The link between education and democracy is well documented. Philosophers from the likes of Plato to Booker Washington to the late John Dewey as well as many others understood this point well. As Dewey begins a chapter in his book, Problems of Men, ?It is obvious that the relationship between democracy and education is a reciprocal one, a mutual one, and vitally so.?(34). Dewey goes on to further drive home the point that with liberty lies a tremendous responsibility, "Do you want to be a free human being standing on your own feet, accepting the responsibilities, the duties that go with that position as an effective member of society"? (34). It is these duties that are neglected in a civilization unlearned. Democracy in a true form is likely impossible, however the continuation and evolution of a democratic society requires informed involvement from all of the population. Effective involvement requires at least moderate thinking ability and knowledge."
Abstract Using J.S. Mill's autobiography, the paper discusses his shockingly rigorous educational training--and subsequent mental crisis. It contends that as a result of his highly utilitarian upbringing, Mill developed a more nuanced approach to human happiness and came to advocate a more sensitive style of education. It also looks at his unique conception of liberty, individuality, and personal freedom stem directly from these early experiences.
From the Paper "The political philosophy of John Stuart Mill has helped to define the manner in which liberty and autonomy are understood-and valued-in modern society. A paradigm, liberal J S Mill's contributions have shown not merely what liberty is but also why it is .."
Tags: j.s. mill, jeremy bentham, james mill, utilitarianism, autobiography, liberalism
A discussion regarding to what extent the functioning of political parties can explain the crisis of representation of the 'people' in modern democracies.
Abstract This paper takes an in-depth look at political parties and issues that surround representation of the people in modern democracies. According to the paper, political parties, in their organization and their functioning, display numerous problems in terms of representation. The paper focuses particularly on two of these problems, the modes of government and the modes of funding. The paper also analyzes the aftermaths of the logic of electoral competition for the representation of the membership and the electorate.
From the Paper "Political representation is quite a hard concept to grasp. It was rejected by the French during the Revolution as an impediment to the self-government of the people. Nonetheless, I will try to show that political representation is necessary for ensuring freedom in our modern democracies.
But first let us turn back to our French Revolution and the establishment of what could be considered as a quasi-totalitarian regime. In France, traditional feudal aristocratic society was undermined by an absolutist and centralist state. When the French Revolution broke out, the remaining feudal instances were destroyed even further (loi Le Chapelier), so that in fact only the individuals and the state remained without the traditional feudal corporations to mediate between them. The question then is how a society can be held together when it has been dismembered and robbed of the intermediary associations that had given it its concrete form and reality. Most revolutionaries followed republicans like Rousseau or Sieyes. The only way for them to bring about a post-feudal democratic order was by converting particular interests to the common good. Individuals were now called upon to set aside their particular preferences and to identify fully with the common will of the people in order to establish real popular sovereignty and equality. The Jacobin revolutionaries thus assumed that a true democracy could only be established if abstract democratic principles like formal equality, popular sovereignty or the unitary will of the people were indeed completely "turned into reality" (i.e. "actualized" or "materialized"), rather than merely respected (Weymans: 263-282). This is characteristic of totalitarian regimes. More so, to Claude Lefort totalitarianism represents a society's attempt to fully "materialize" or "actualize" democratic principles by making the people really one, equal, free or sovereign. That is also what distinguishes them from democratic regimes. While the totalitarian state tries to realize the principles (by embodying them), a democratic state prevents a society from realizing these (through representation), thus remaining distinct from and dependent on society. This distinction or alienation of the state from society is indeed necessary."
Abstract This paper looks at the J.S. Mill book, "In Liberty and Necessity". The author stresses a key point in Mill's argument on moral freedom; that it is essential that people have the opportunity to make choices regardless of others to a certain degree, which goes along with the idea of moral conscience.
From the Paper ?In ?Liberty and Necessity,? Mill argues that morally free individuals have the capacity to modify and command their own character and that the completely free individual is a person of confirmed virtue.? In chapter 3 of On Liberty, Mill identifies those circumstances essential to the pursuit of moral freedom. He is emphatic on the idea that humanity should not perpetuate a conformist society and that people should allow themselves to be directed by their self-will and strong desires irrespective of whether they are positively or negatively guided. In this chapter, Mill also recognizes the limitations that society imposes on an individual's liberty. In stating requirements for liberty, Mill identifies the actions that allow all individuals the opportunity to gain moral freedom."
Abstract In "On Liberty," Mill proves to be a staunch supporter of free speech. The writer begins the paper by analyzing his views. Using his own views as a basis, the paper argues that he would support banning racist speech on campus. It points to the restrictions Mill is willing to place on free speech as proof, mainly the harm clause.
From the Paper "In On Liberty, John Stuart Mill argues that no person or group of people, including the government, is ever justified in silencing someone's opinion. He begins by arguing that freedom of thought and freedom of speech are inseparable. After all, how meaningful is freedom of thought without freedom of speech? What good does it do us to be allowed freedom of thought while being denied the expression of that thought? Mill points out that by curbing freedom of speech, government would be taking something extremely important away from us. The government would be restricting not only our freedom of speech, but also our right to express our thoughts, and that's much more drastic."
Tags: free, freedom, john, liberty, mill, speech, stuart
Abstract This paper examines the political theories of John Stuart Mill, specifically as they relate to his conceptions of the appropriate limitations on a nation-state's legitimate use of its power. In the course of this discussion, the writer raises Mill's points about the principle of harm and the principle of liberty and shows how these two principles are fundamental to our understanding of the extent to which states should be allowed to act.
From the Paper "Born in 1806 in London, most of John Stuart Mill's political and philosophical work was composed in the early part of the nineteenth century. He is currently recognized as one of the primary voices of both the classical liberal and the utilitarian philosophical positions (Johnson, 1999). This dual position underscores one of the primary tensions in Mill's works, which spread across a wide range of topics including politics, economics, religion and even nutrition. However, for the purpose of this study, I will be focusing primarily on only one of Mill's texts that relates to political science, "On Liberty.""
