| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "WOMEN CANADIAN POLITICS": |
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The History & Future of Women in Canadian Politics, 2006. A discussion regarding the representation of women in the Canadian political system. 2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 6 sources, $ 89.95 »
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Abstract This paper reviews the enormous strides that have been made by Canadian women in recent decades. It discusses how since the 1970s, the number of women attending graduate school, entering the professions and involving themselves in the political process has climbed steadily. The paper then examines how far women have come and whether or not more needs to be done to adequately represent females at the highest reaches of public policy.
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Women in Canadian Politics, 2002. A look at the careers and challenges of the Canadian female politicians Grace MacInnis and Therese F Casgrain. 1,900 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 9 sources, $ 71.95 »
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Abstract This paper addresses the question of women's participation in Canadian politics. Initially, the composition of the current House of Commons and Cabinet is considered. Brief biographies of Grace MacInnis and Therese F Casgrain illustrate the challenges that early female politicians faced in 'a man's world'. Finally, future trends and developments as well as measures to increase the participation of women in politics are examined.
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Red Tories and the Labor Tradition in Canadian Politics, 2006. A review and discussion of Gad Horowitz's book, "Canadian Labor in Politics". 1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, $ 44.95 »
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Abstract This paper reviews Gad Horowitz's book, Canadian Labour in Politics, focusing specifically on the argument Horowitz makes concerning why labor plays a critical role in Canadian politics, but not in U.S. politics. It reviews the argument Horowitz makes concerning Louis Hartz's view of liberal societies. It considers Horowitz's claim that labor is important because Canadian society evolved out of a tradition wherein government is seen -- even by conservatives -- as having an important role to play. It looks at the impact Horowitz's argument has had on politicians and academics.
From the Paper "In his book Canadian Labour in Politics, Gad Horowitz, provides an analysis of the labor movement's influence on Canadian political life. He discusses the means by which Canada's labor unions have entered the political system as a vital and enduring force -- a force that does not stand outside politics as merely another interest group attempting to gain notice, but as an integrated party crucial to the very political fabric of the society. His work in this book is seminal to the understanding of cultural and social forces that allow labor to be a primary driver of the nation's politics."
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Canadian Politics, 2002. A look at the differences between 19th century conservatism and late 20th century neo-conservatism in Canadian political history. 2,900 words (approx. 11.6 pages), 4 sources, $ 106.95 »
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Abstract This paper is an historical assessment of Canadian politics. The paper evaluates the differences between 19th Century Conservatism and late 20th Century Neo-Conservatism in Canadian political history, and describes these differences in relation to Canadian business and economics.
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Canadian Politics, 2002. An overview of the way interest groups and political parties impact the Canadian political system. 1,900 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 5 sources, $ 71.95 »
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Abstract This paper examines the role of interest groups and political parties in the Canadian political process. It identifies their roles and compares and contrasts them.
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Canadian Politics, 2005. This paper applies the principles presented in Richard C. Box's "Citizen Governance: Leading American Communities into the 21st Century" to Canadian politics, which bear little resemblance to American governmental practices. 1,340 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 45.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that Canada has a long history of political dissension, which is important to the function of the parliament and the provincial legislatures because this system is dependant on the loyalty of one party's colleagues to stand behind them while the other party provides appropriate criticism. The author points out that, while most times a Canadian citizen's choice of party affiliation stems from a commonality of ideals and principles, it also can be based on nothing more than family tradition. The paper relates that, in Canada, the political scene is constantly evolving; in recent years, decentralization has been on the rise, the federal government has abdicated many of its powers to the provinces and the traditional three-party system has splintered off into various other factions.
From the Paper "While Box's emphasis is on individualism, Canadians seek more explicit acknowledgement of the importance and influence of social organization, expressed in the concept of community, as both driving and restraining individuals' behavior. After all, individuals live in communities that are real in a physical sense, as members of a social group living in and identifying with a locality. However, these communities are also real in a social sense, as members of social groups with common cultural characteristics such as shared beliefs and values. Additionally, they are solidified in an economic sense, as in a group's common ownership of economic resources or participation in economic endeavor."
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The Canadian Political Environment, 2007. This paper is an extensive overview of the historical and current Canadian political environment. 3,250 words (approx. 13.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 93.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that the attitude of Canadian public, which expects its government to solve its problems, grew out of the need to re-integrate soldiers after WWI and to deal with the ills of the Great Depression. The author points out that this attitude resulted in the state now having an enormous involvement in matters such as health care, unemployment insurance and social welfare benefits. The paper relates that the history of Canada since 1867 has been a process of steadily securing more and more sovereignty and power; however, new forces, chiefly globalization, are now at work and raise the specter that Canada could see its domestic writ subordinated to the writ of trade agreements, such as NAFTA. The author reports that land and governance issues appear to be the paramount concerns of the Canadian aboriginal people.
Table of Content
Changes in State since its Founding
Relationship between State and Society
Citizens' Trust in Government
Challenges to Canada's Sovereignty
Democratic Deficit
The Traditional Canada Political Culture
Traditional Functions of Canadian Political Parties
The Power of the Prime Minister
Canadian Elections
Canada's Constitution
The Parliament
Public Opinion Polling and the Media
The Role of Regionalism
Quebec and Federal-Provincial Relations
Canada's Aboriginal People
The Diminishment of the Welfare State
Influence of Big Business on Politics
From the Paper "Most evidently, Quebec changed federal-provincial relations in the 1960s when it began to opt out of the conditions attached to federal grants, established its own pension plan, and argued for a larger voice for itself internationally. In that regard, the decision to give Quebec control over social programs has understandably made it easier for other provinces to demand the same thing. ... it is clear that other provinces are sufficiently compelled to argue for rights of their own, too. So, basically, the Canadian response to Quebec nationalism or to the new Francophone "consciousness" of the 1960s has been to give Quebec exceptional status and powers."
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Canadian Political Power, 2005. Discusses whether the concentration of power in the Prime Minister's office is a negative factor in Canadian politics. 3,405 words (approx. 13.6 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 96.95 »
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Abstract This paper asks whether the office of the Canadian Prime Minister is a behemoth that should be dismantled before one or another occupant of it becomes a megalomaniac. The paper questions if Canada?s Prime Minister, the office and/or the person filling it, is more powerful than is good or wise for Canada?s future.
From the Paper "One might argue that Canada would want to avoid emulating anything U.S, at this precarious juncture in U.S. history especially, and as the power of the U.S. presidency is also being weighed by pundits from all ends of the political spectrum. Laxer noted ?modern technologies and the liberal ethos of the free market dissolved Canada?s distinctive culture. Grant predicted Canada?s demise in the long run because it had adopted American values ? (2000, p. 55). It is arguable that the office of the Prime Minister creates, for Canada, an atmosphere that emulates that of the United States. It is arguable that, if Canada wishes to continue a strong federal system that serves all its citizens, the office of the Prime Minister is indeed too powerful."
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Canadian Political Economy, 2002. This paper on the Canadian political economy states that Canada is seen as a thriving post-modern economy but, at the same time, sufferers from problems of political identity disintegration and economic regionalization. 1,735 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 56.95 »
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Abstract This paper states that Canadians are overwhelmed with uncertainties about the capacity of their political system to achieve their economic goals. The author believes that the federal state is moving towards neoliberal control, which downgraded economic tasks to lower levels of governance and raised power to the global and continental tiers. The paper describes the many changes that have taken place in the role and organization of the Canadian government to achieve this neoliberal economic policy.
From the Paper "Since the Canadian government settles trade treaties but can execute them only in areas of its own constitutional jurisdiction, provincial participation has been necessary to realize what are understood to be the profit of liberalized trade. For this reason, Ottawa has encouraged improved provincial participation since the 1970s. In contradiction, an increased provincial function in trade policy has resulted in diminished provincial capability for industrial policy."
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Women in the Canadian Government, 2002. An overview of women's representation in the Canadian government and the promotion of women's concerns. 2,400 words (approx. 9.6 pages), 9 sources, $ 89.95 »
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Abstract This paper will look at two issues that are inter-connected with the core issue of women's representation in government and progress in promoting and addressing women's concerns. First and foremost, it must be shown that there has been increased representation in government by women in recent years. Second, there has to be discussion of whether representation is crucial to change.
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Women and the Canadian and Mexican Workforce, 2008. This paper argues that globalization is widening the already existing gender gap in the workplace, making Canadian and Mexican women more vulnerable. 1,300 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 7 sources, APA, $ 43.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that, on the American continent, the NAFTA agreement between Canada, Mexico and the U.S.A. has been responsible largely for the liberalization of economies, privatization and deregulation, which have all impacted the workforce, particularly women. The author points out that globalization has brought about an unequal structure of the global economy in which corporations are creating labor segregation, paying the most minimum wages possible and providing the least amount of labor regulations, all of which cause social and economic marginalization of women. The paper relates that various trade agreements push countries to privatize public resources causing a shift away from welfare and social programs such as social insurance, health care, child-care and childcare subsidy. The author stresses that the new jobs created for the sole profit of the employers are usually lower-paid, part-time or contract flexible work having no benefits.
From the Paper "One example of such harassment and discrimination is cited by Quintero-Ramirez, (2002). She describes how managers are often able to request a medical examination to show that a job applicant is not pregnant. Because of deregulation, the working conditions in these factories are often unsanitary and even dangerous, and inadequate or non-existing healthcare often exasperated the health impacts suffered by these women workers. These women work for minimum wages while foreign countries reap most of the benefits. The maquiladora sector is of particular importance because it has grown 89% in the period between 1995 and 2000 . The managers of these manufacturing plants often prefer to hire women because of the patriarchal beliefs that women are more docile and better suited for boring repetitive jobs. "
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Women and the Canadian Old-Age Pension System, 2008. A historical overview of the Canadian old-age pension system with regards to female employees. 1,285 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 43.95 »
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Abstract This paper examines the history of the entitlement of women in the Canadian old-age pension system. The paper points out that, although at first limited, the scope of Canadian women's enfranchisement in the successive public pensions schemes instituted between 1928 and 1985 did gradually widen, allowing more and more women to receive pensions. The working premise of the paper is that this progress was foremost the fruits of women's own labors, literally as well as figuratively.
Women in effect earned the right to a pension by earning a living in increasing numbers. The paper concludes that, in order to do this, women had to overcome the prevailing social mores, prejudices, institutional resistance and male-dominated cultural stereotypes.
From the Paper "Data from the 1901 Canadian Census records a total male population of 2,066,000 and a total female population of 1,957,000. Out of this 1,618,000 men but only 215,000 women were gainfully employed; in other words, 78.3 percent of Canadian males earned their living by working whereas only 14.4 percent of Canadian women did. (Series D107) Some thirty years later, on the heels of Canada's first full-fledged public pension, 78.5 percent of Canada's 4,206,000 men and 19.4 percent of its women were gainfully employed. The raw numbers are particularly revealing: 3,296,000 men but only 752,000 women reported having a job. Yet, even if these results are skewered by the Great Depression, there were still over three times as many women working in 1931 than 1901."
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Women in the Canadian Labor Market, 2006. A look at whether women have achieved equality in the Canadian labor market. 1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 5 sources, $ 44.95 »
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Abstract This paper argues that, in spite of several laws that the Canadian government has enacted to prevent the discrimination of women in the workplace, women in Canada still have not yet achieved equality in the labor market.
From the Paper "Have Women Achieved Equality in the Canadian Labour Market? Canada has put in place several legislative devices in an attempt to ensure that women do not suffer discrimination. In addition, there has been a growing recognition that discriminating against women in the labour market is unfair and should not be tolerated. However, as this paper will show, although considerable gains have been made, women have not yet achieved equality in the Canadian labour market. It will be shown that this reflects a lingering and pervasive inequality of the sexes within Canadian society. Despite the fact that legislative protections are in place, there stills needs to be a great deal of societal change before women will achieve true substantive equality in..."
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Women's Rights and the Canadian Supreme Court, 2002. Summarizes to two Canadian Supreme Court cases regarding the equality of women. 2,400 words (approx. 9.6 pages), 5 sources, $ 89.95 »
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Abstract There are two parts to this paper; the first part summarizes the two cases. The second part discusses D.F.G. as a precedent for Dobson and the equality of Women in Canada.
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Comparative Analysis of US and Canadian Political Culture, 2000. An analysis of how both democracies are born of the same imperial template with similar political sub cultures, yet although similar, their political cultures are different. 3,770 words (approx. 15.1 pages), 8 sources, $ 103.95 »
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Abstract Background
British Influence in the US and Canada
US Civil War ? It?s affect on Canada?s constitution
Constitutional Divergence ? Canada, US, and England
Political Culture
Political Sub Culture
Statistical Facts
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