| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "VIETNAM WAR PEACE NEGOTIATIONS": |
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Vietnam War Peace Negotiations, 2002.
Insight into the peace negotiations at the end of the Vietnam War.
5,778 words (approx. 23.1 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 138.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how, after more than a quarter-century after the end of American military involvement in Vietnam, the Vietnam War remains a great unsettled question in American public life. It focuses in particular on the peace negotiations that eventually bought the war to an end when agreement was finally reached, in 1973, in the form of the Paris Peace Accords. It analyzes how the United States in effect accepted formal victory with the likelihood of deferred defeat, while North Vietnam accepted formal defeat with the likelihood of deferred victory.
Outline
Looking For a Way Out
The Options
Early Negotiation Efforts
From Johnson to Nixon
Endgame
From the Paper
"Thus, in the case of Vietnam, when the United States signed the Paris Peace Accords in 1973, it did so in the face of two alternative options that resembled each other only in being undesirable. One option was continuing direct American military involvement for the foreseeable future; the other was withdrawal of American forces without negotiations. The first entailed an indefinite continuation of American combat casualties and consequent (and probably growing) domestic unrest and political dissension. The second implied the probable near-immediate collapse of South Vietnam (as well as possible abandonment of American prisoners of war), with its own set of international and domestic consequences."
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Peace Efforts In Vietnam, 2002.
Discusses the problem of getting the U.S. out of Vietnam in an acceptable way.
5,400 words (approx. 21.6 pages), 8 sources, $ 135.95
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Abstract
Discusses the problem of getting the U.S. out of Vietnam in an acceptable way. Large scale involvement of American combat troops during the war. Problems of negotiations. Conditions that make for successful negotiations. Political dynamics in South Vietnam. Early American negotiating proposals. U.S. policy makers concept of "withdrawal with honor," and an acceptable outcome.
From the Paper
"More than a quarter-century after the end of American military involvement in Vietnam, the Vietnam War remains a great unsettled question in American public life. The cultural division in American politics, as displayed in the close 2000 election, probably correlates strongly to opinions about the American experience in Vietnam, which likewise hangs over American foreign policy, particularly when any commitment of forces is involved. Vietnam still matters.
The discussion below is focused on the problem of getting the United States out of Vietnam in an acceptable way, once American combat forces were involved there on a large scale, not..."
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Obnoxious Negative Peace or Substantive and Positive Peace, 2005.
A look at two different perspectives of peace as understood and expressed by Martin Luther King.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 3 sources, $ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses obnoxious negative peace and substantive positive peace. These terms are found in a letter by Martin Luther King, Jr. expressing his opinion on direct action. Martin Luther King believed it was important to fight for substantive and positive peace for African Americans and it is important for Americans to continue to fight the battle for substantive and positive peace not only in America but throughout the world.
From the Paper
"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere" (King 1963). What does this quotation mean? What is the difference obnoxious negative peace and substantive and positive peace? Why are these important today? These were important terms for Martin Luther King and they are important terms today. Martin Luther King believed that whatever affects one person actually affects every one else (King 1963). Many people living during the lifetime of Martin Luther King was willing to close their eyes to the violence and terrorism happening to African Americans. They believed that African Americans were wrong in taking a stand toward wanting their independence. Martin Luther King believed it was important to fight for substantive and positive peace for African Americans and it is important for Americans to continue to fight the battle for substantive and positive peace not only in America but throughout the world."
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Peace Movements, 2002.
A brief discussion on peace rallies against the Vietnam War.
605 words (approx. 2.4 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 21.95
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Abstract
A paper on the protest movement in U.S. during the Vietnam War and the inherent causes. The author mentions Rawl's Theory of Consent and how this was relevant to contemporary 1960's public opinion of the war.
From the Paper
"During the year of 1968 America was nearly torn apart because of all the disunity that took place between the government and the people. This was about the time when the people lost faith in the government of the US. The US were determined to send more and more troops to fight in Vietnam and claimed that they were doing well but in reality the people knew that the soldiers were being slaughtered. The citizens felt that they had been lied to and cheated. This caused a very big gap between the people and the government. At first the citizens had believed all that the government was doing was right but they soon realized that they were being lied to. Students too were involved in the rallies and protests that were often violent. This was actually a peace movement that was to put pressure on the government to stop the butchery that was going on in Vietnam. [2]"
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Peace Without Conquest, 2002.
An analysis of Lyndon Johnson's famous speech, "Peace Without Conquest", about America's involvement in Vietnam, in 1965.
1,748 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 56.95
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Abstract
?Peace Without Conquest? was one of the most significant speeches of the 20th Century. It evoked the passions of Americans all over the country and cemented the nation?s commitment to the War in Vietnam. ?Peace Without Conquest? is Lyndon Johnson?s explanation of the American involvement in the war as a means to bring harmony to the region while avoiding occupation. This paper presents a reaction to the reasons why America engaged in battle in Vietnam. It specifically explores the legitimacy of Johnson?s assertions. The writer also explores whether Johnson?s assertions were sufficient to justify America's continued involvement. In addition, it considers what reasoning he failed to discuss that would have argued against America's involvement.
From the Paper
"In this statement, Johnson asserts that the ability to exist in a world where nations have the right to dictate their own lives is dependent upon America?s willingness to fight for this right. Johnson asserts that the only way to preserve freedom is to use force. This assertion seems accurate?there is a price to be paid for freedom. In addition, the argument that American freedom is only truly secure when other countries are also allowed to be free is also legitimate. History has proven that humanity is a continuum and that ?injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere?. In this section of Johnson?s speech it is clear that the war in Vietnam is viewed as a necessary agent. Johnson asserts that in some cases force must precede reason it is obvious that he believes that the war in Vietnam is one of those cases. The point that he makes in this section of the speech is legitimate and justifies our involvement in the war."
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Palestine and Israel: The Final Step Towards Peace, 2001.
This paper examines the final status negotiations between Palestine and Israel under the Oslo peace agreement.
1,620 words (approx. 6.5 pages), 4 sources, APA, $ 52.95
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Abstract
This paper debates the book "Compromising Palestine: A Guide to the Final Status Negotiations" by Aharon Klieman and examines the options of both nations, Palestine and Israel. This paper illustrates the major issues of the ongoing conflict and the fundamental problems of territories, religious sites, and refugees.
From the Paper
"Kleiman wrote that partition was a necessary evil while Mearsheimer suggests that in no way will the Palestine people ever agree to a partition on the terms that are being offered. The paradox of partition continues even after 50 years and it becomes a race to see which side will win the race. Is partition necessary as Kleiman suggests or is Mearsheimer correct when he claims that the 50 year old history between the two nations will not allow the concept of partition being accepted. In order to understand the dynamics we must under take a analysis of the history of the two nations. While analyzing the concept of partition Kleiman studied the history of the Palestine - Israel conflict. He realized that fifty years ago the Palestinians, and the Arabs, rejected resolution 181 calling for the establishment of two independent states in Palestine. The resolution also made Jerusalem a city under international administration and marked its borders. While the Arabs rejected the offer, the Jews accepted it. Thirty-three countries, including the then Soviet Union and the United States, voted for the resolution while 13 voted against and 10 abstained."
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Training for Peace Keeping, 2008.
A look at some of the training required to undertake peace and humanitarian operations.
3,695 words (approx. 14.8 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 102.95
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Abstract
Terrorism has become embedded in almost everyone's vocabulary, it is one of those terms, that not everyone knows what it means, but it seems to be surrounded with negative connotations. However, it is not surprising that terrorism is sometimes abetted with state sponsorship and is supported by many governments whether intrinsically or extrinsically. As such international peace-keeping efforts have to change focus and address these internal dynamics. This paper explores some of the necessary mandates that are needed by personnel dealing with these issues.
Outline
Abstract
Introduction
Basic Communication, Conflict Resolution, & Negotiation
Communication: The Essential Element of a Successful Training Program in a Peace-Keeping Environment
Conflict Resolution & Negotiation in a Peace Keeping Environment
Techniques of Motivation in a Diverse Peace-Keeping Environment
Individual Decision-Making and Group Behavior
Leadership Training For Supervisors in these Organizations
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Conflict resolution and peace keeping has been an issue of controversy for many years. However, with the proper training mechanism and structure, then peace and humanitarian operations can be the champions of a successful organizational initiative. It is therefore imperative that there be a comprehensive discourse embedded in the training structure for these operations that can analyze elements of the foreign conflict resolution and negotiation strategies. The connection between an effective training program or structure with the overall success of conflict resolution and negotiations will depend primarily on how well the program identifies the necessary political, economic, and cultural realms that have been affected by the dimensions of the operations. Overall, it is clear that conflict resolution and negotiation policy training is reactive and preventative, since it would be devised to counter, and to prohibit actions that were seen as harmful to the peace initiatives."
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Colonel House and the Paris Peace Conference, 2004.
An examination of how Colonel House compromised Wilson?s negotiation position and the principles of ?New Diplomacy? at the Paris peace conference.
1,855 words (approx. 7.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 59.95
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Abstract
This paper charters the political career of ?Colonel? Edward Mandell House and in particular his time as the trusted advisor to Woodrow Wilson. It looks at how House played an important role in the peace process at the end of World War I and how he was the American representative for the surrender of Germany, before arriving at the Paris peace conference as Wilson?s personal representative. It discusses how he tried to secure a future for Germany with concessions made to the French outside of the limits of power and guidelines that he had been given to him by Wilson thus compromising Wilson's position.
From the Paper
"Although Wilson and House were close, House remained an accomplished and ambitious political operator. He had been observing Wilson, and had concluded that Wilson?s methods of doing things was not quick enough or ultimately going to solve any problems. He was also very passionate about the league of nations, and felt that Germany should not be treated to harshly, he said that ?if the conditions we impose upon Germany are unjust, it will simply mean the breeding of another war?. As house began to listen to all sides of the argument over the Rhineland. He took onboard all sides of the argument, and was eventually able to come up with a solution that would be acceptable to all sides, and eventually decided to give permission for the French to create a Rhenish republic, at least until they were able to rebuild militarily. House tried his best to address this issue, by suggesting the now infamous ?demilitarisation of the Rhineland?, which was to happen in three stages."
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The Peace Paradigm, 2004.
A discussion of the peace paradigm and its approach to obtaining peace.
4,520 words (approx. 18.1 pages), 27 sources, APA, $ 135.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the peace paradigm in terms of realism, power, conflict resolution, and social change. The paper explains the role of a paradigm, outlines the peace paradigm strategies used to obtain peace and presents a definition of power. Gives specific examples.
From the Paper
"One of the approaches to the peace paradigm is through the study of the role played in obtaining peace through the exercise of power and coercive tactics. According to Lynn-Jones realism is usually regarded as a dominant and somewhat monolithic approach in the study of international relations. Within the realist approach there are divisions between offensive and defensive realism. Offensive realists argue that the international system tends to foster conflict and aggression, that security is scarce and international competition and war..."
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Pre-Negotiations, 2003.
Reviews the pre-negotiation phase of the negotiating process.
1,150 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 1 source, APA, $ 39.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews the pre-negotiation phase of the negotiating process. The four elements of the pre-negotiating phase and five important individual characteristics of negotiators are identified and discussed.
From the Paper
"Peterson and Lucas pointed out that an area of the negotiating process that has received less attention than is warranted is the pre-negotiation phase of the process. This paper addresses four questions related ..."
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Poetry of Peace and Pain, 2001.
A look at the writing of poetry as a way of turning pain into peace and hope.
700 words (approx. 2.8 pages), 0 sources, $ 24.95
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Abstract
This essay looks at people who have turned trauma and pain into a positive experience. It discusses the work of Mairead Corrigan Maguire who organised peaceful demonstrations in N.Ireland, wrote poetry that inspired millions and through her efforts to develop a "politics of mercy and forgiveness," won a Nobel Peace prize. The author goes on to discuss the wording of Martin Jordan?s poem ?The changes in our lives?.
From the paper:
" Everyone wants peace in his or her everyday live. Sometimes peace is hard to come by for some people. However, Some individuals react to their pain in a positive way. For example, Irish writers Mairead Maguire and Martin Jordan write poetry about peace due the tragedies for the world and in their lives. So, in Misread Maguire?s ?The Vision of Peace? and Martin Jordan?s ?the changes in our lives? the main goal is to remind everyone that there should be peace all over of the world despite all of the pain we encounter."
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Woodrow Wilson?s 14 Points and the Women's Peace Movement, 2003.
A comparative analysis of the principles of Woodrow Wilson's 14 Points and the resolutions of the Women?s Peace Movement.
1,047 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 36.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how, in 1915, The Hague convention represented women from 22 different countries with the main focus of achieving peace. It examines how this process for peace was deemed feasible by a series of resolutions established by the Women?s Peace Congress and how these resolutions focused on many key ideas that the Women?s Peace Congress believed could create world peace. It demonstrates the irony of President Woodrow Wilson's refusal to lead the international mediation and how many of the principles established at the Women?s Peace Congress in The Hague, were echoed with the publication of Woodrow Wilson?s 14 Points, which earned him much international praise, three years later.
From the Paper
"The principle for autonomy of nations is demonstrated in both the 14 points and the Resolutions adopted at Hague as well. The Women?s Peace Congress was much broader as they simply stated, ?autonomy and a democratic parliament should not be refused to any people (Addams, 3).? Wilson singled out the exact countries, ?the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development.? Wilson also requested the autonomy of the peoples of Austria Hungary, Rumania, Serbia, Montenegro, and Poland. The Women?s Peace Congress simply expressed the belief that countries should be allowed autonomy, while Wilson?s 14 Points rather put them into play in the specific nations that he felt were most important."
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UN and Peace Maintenance, 2005.
Questions whether the UN has been successful in establishing and maintaining international peace and security. Uses examples of Rwanda and Iraq.
3,254 words (approx. 13.0 pages), 0 sources, APA, $ 93.95
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Abstract
The writer of this paper argues that the United Nations, although having achieved minor accomplishments in the area of maintenance of peace and security, can, generally speaking, not be considered a successful international organization. Instead, the United Nations has failed on a number of times throughout the past to maintain international peace and security. These failures were in situations where peace and security were reasonable outcomes. So, therefore, the UN is obviously not working to the best of its ability. To argue this point, the paper begins with an extensive analysis of the United Nations and its failures in the maintenance of international peace and security through two specific case studies, Rwanda, and most recently, Iraq. It then discusses the limited successes of the UN and examines the possible reasons for its overall failure to address the maintenance of international peace and security adequately and consistently. Finally, the writer briefly proposes possible reforms that the UN could adopt in order for the organization to operate more effectively in the international environment.
From the Paper
"The UN has many areas in which it could improve through reform. Due to the limited word count, I have chosen to not discuss this topic in too much depth. The areas of reform seem obvious from the problems I have mentioned previously. For the UN to succeed, the world community must match the demands made on the organisation by the resources given to it . Strong and sustained political support from Member States , rapid deployments of all peacekeeping and peacemaking troops with a robust force posture and sound peace-building strategies are all necessary in improving the UN. There have been a number of attempts at addressing the issue of reform. These include the Brahimi report, which was commissioned by the UN Secretary General to address the past weaknesses and failures of the UN with regard to peace and security and An Agenda for Peace, written by Boutros Boutros Ghali, the former Secretary General. Both reports recognised problems with the UN?s capacity to maintain world peace but many of the recommendations that were suggested were not implemented. In order for the UN to be successful in maintaining international peace and security, reforms have to not only be recognised, but also implemented."
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The Golan Heights, Syria and the Middle East Peace Process, 2002.
A discussion of the relationship between Israel and Syria over the Golan Heights and its effect on the Middle East peace process.
2,688 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the history of the conflict between Israel and Syria over the Golan Heights. Syria remains the one Arab neighbor that has never entered into formal negotiations with Israel. It looks at how Gaza and the West Bank have become subjects not only of negotiation but also of active peacemaking and how the Golan Heights alone has never been brought to the peace table, much less placed on it. It provides a brief description of the history and the geography of the Heights and the current situation and analyzes the prospects of any form of local peace in the near future.
From the Paper
"Yet for all these similarities, there is one profound difference: Assad has always been a "player" in Middle Eastern politics, while Saddam Hussein has never been. To some degree this can be explained by geography: Syria has a border with Israel and therefore must be integral to any overall Arab-Israeli settlement, whereas Iraq does not. However, that cannot be the only explanation; Iraq is an important regional power, and the Arab-Israeli issue is not the only game in the Middle East; there is also (among others) the Persian Gulf. The more fundamental reason is the nature and skills of the two men themselves. Both have a gift for staying in power, but Assad also has shown great talent at making himself an indispensable man: without his support no general Arab-Israeli peace can be established, but also without him no anti-Israeli front was viable."
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Disarmament Negotiations, 2005.
Examines disarmament negotiations and treaties between the United States and Russia.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 2 sources, $ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the chronology of various peace treaties and disarmament agreements between the United States and Russia. It looks at issues surrounding what transpired after the Vietnam war in terms of anti-nuclear protests which later led to nuclear weaponry reduction by the super powers. The aftermath of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki left many dead, disfigured, and exposed to radiation, thus propelling the movement towards peace.
From the Paper
"Ever since the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 the world community has pressed for nuclear disarmament as many people have recognized that the use of nuclear weapons was/is not only immoral, but also genocidal (Allied, 2002). Arms control in the 21st century is a hot topic, particularly in light of the recent and ongoing terrorist threats. Over the past few years there has been great success in terms of arms control setting the precedence for the continued prevention against nuclear weaponry and has resulted in the indefinite extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The enormous stockpiles of nuclear weapons have built up over the past fifty years, thus posing as a serious threat to security in the post Cold-War world (Mishra, 2000). After the Cold War ended, disintegration of the Soviet Union led to the United States stepping..."
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