| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "UNITED NATIONS HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION": |
|
|
The United Nations and Humanitarian Intervention, 2002.
A study of the legitimacy and success of humanitarian intervention (HI)with respect to the United Nations.
2,000 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 13 sources, APA, $ 63.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper analyzes the importance of reforms in the machinery of UN peace and security operations in ensuring that future humanitarian interventions are both legitimate and successful. The paper argues that the success and legitimacy of HI are inextricably related. On the one hand, legitimacy is important if success is to be attained. On the other, legitimacy of HI will be undermined if the success is minimal. The paper claims that since UN machinery has defects in both terms, reforms are very important to increase the likelihood of successful and legitimate HI.
From the Paper
"Humanitarian intervention (HI), which increasingly involves the use of arms for humanitarian claims, is undoubtedly one of today?s important international relations (IR) discourses. Being an infant IR practice, HI is still being questioned for its legitimacy and success in relation to its claims. HI operations by the United Nations (UN) in Somalia and Bosnia have been considered unsuccessful, while in Kosovo, it has lacked international legitimacy mainly in the absence of UN authorisation. In those cases, the machinery of UN has been named as one significant cause. Therefore this essay will look into this supposition as to how important are reforms in the machinery of UN peace and security operations in ensuring that future humanitarian interventions are both legitimate and successful?"
| |
|
United Nations, 2007.
This paper discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the United Nations.
1,219 words (approx. 4.9 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 41.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
In this article, the writer points out that in order for one to determine whether or not the United Nations has been successful at accomplishing its goals, one must look to the advantages and disadvantages of the United Nations. Further the writer notes that to do so, one must look at the United Nations' peacekeeping capabilities, arms control and disarmament policies, human rights work and humanitarian aid. The writer also discusses how those policies have been applied to member and non-member nations. The writer concludes that in order to move the United Nation towards its goals of bringing peace and improving the quality of life of all people, the United Nations may need to undergo a restructuring, which would make the United Nations more likely to intervene on behalf of citizens in less influential nations.
From the Paper
"One of the main critiques of the League of Nations, which was the predecessor to the United Nations, was that it had no power to enforce its recommendations. Therefore, a relative advantage of the United Nations is that it has the authority to send troops to locations where violence is threatened. This power is referred to as peacekeeping. According to the Human Security Centre, the United Nations' peacekeeping efforts appear to have resulted in a less violence world by eliminating colonial conflicts, reducing interstate wars, and reducing genocide and politicide. In fact, the most powerful testament to the United Nations' peacekeeping ability is the fact that there has not been a third world war. However, it would be inaccurate to simply label the United Nation's peacekeeping power solely as an advantage, because history has revealed that it has not been applied consistently. For example, the United Nations has either been reluctant to use its peacekeeping powers to aid people in Africa, or has proven woefully unsuccessful when it has attempted to do so."
| |
|
Humanitarian Intervention, 2004.
Examines to what extent there has been an emerging international norm of 'humanitarian intervention' and how successful attempts at humanitarian intervention have been.
2,320 words (approx. 9.3 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 71.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues that humanitarian intervention, defined as military intervention in a state without the consent of its government, has become an international norm during the period since 1985. Since the U.N. is virtually always the primary agent of intervention, the paper begins by analyzing the reasons for the U.N.'s increasing number of interventions and why they are moving away from the traditional model and shifting towards humanitarian intervention without consent. The results of these interventions have varied, and the paper discusses three precedent-setting cases from the early 1990s in which the consent of parties as a requirement for U.N. humanitarian action was downgraded. Limited, focused humanitarian intervention has been successful, as exemplified by U.N. protection of Kurds in Northern Iraq. When the U.N. and U.S. intervened in Somalia, however, they lost their focus and took on large and varied tasks. In that case, intervention failed. Intervention also fails when it is done halfheartedly, and force is not used even when it is needed. This is what happened in the allied and U.N. humanitarian intervention in Bosnia. For each case study, the paper explains how it set a precedent in U.N. intervention practice, then analyzes the success or failure of the conflict and the causes for it. The effects of failed intervention are profound. The paper concludes by evaluating the U.N.'s role as the primary intervenor in conflicts since the 1980s.
From the Paper
"There was evidence of "elements of consent" to this in Yugoslavia. Full consent was impossible because of the number of parties and disputes about their status, but through the winter of 1992, interventionist actions were based in consent. But the Security Council's resolution referred obliquely to chapter VII and implied that if Yugoslav consent stopped the UN would continue with its plans. Subsequent resolutions have been written along similar lines. Eventually it became clear that consent and traditional mediation would not halt the fighting, help civilians, or bring a peace settlement. Bosnia never requested humanitarian assistance from the UN, but 4 June 1993, the UN authorized force to defend UN safe area in Bosnia. This was a landmark decision."
| |
|
The United Nations, 1996.
A look at the role, structure and shortcomings of the UN.
1,715 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 12 sources, $ 55.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper reflects on 50 years of the United Nations, including its occasional failings, according to many, to provide global peace and security and to deliver humanitarian aid and disaster relief to those in need. It looks at how the United Nations was founded, how it is structured, its role and its failures.
From the Paper
"Since 1945, the United Nations has been, directly or indirectly, part of the lives of virtually everyone on earth. It has been praised, ridiculed, condemned, and ignored. It has been used for both positive and negative goals (Woog 7). It has often fallen short of its main purposes, to provide global peace and security and to deliver humanitarian aid and disaster relief to those in need. It has also been accused of being out of date (Eichelberger 22). But this past year, the United Nations celebrated its 50th anniversary. It was an event to reflect on the lessons of the past and chart a course for the future. It was a time to examine new ways of using United Nation?s potential to the greatest degree possible (Chesnoff 10)."
| |
|
Rwanda: The United Nations' Failure, 2005.
A look at how and why the U.N. has failed in its peacemaking efforts in Rwanda.
1,612 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 52.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues that the United Nations has not responded to humanitarian crisis and conflicts like Rwanda in an efficient and effective way. The UN has failed not only because of its inherent weakness and poverty of means and resources, but also because of the fundamental flaw in its post-Cold War peacemaking approach.
From the Paper
"Although Clapham's claims contain some truth his article has a methodological weakness. It is flawed because it takes a very narrow view of UN peacekeeping and peacekeeping models. Clapham, for example, argues that the UN has only used one peacekeeping model during the post-Cold War period and insists on examining the United Nations' role in the ethnic conflict in Rwanda through that model. However, the point is that this model does not apply to Rwanda because the United Nations never used it in that country. His methodology provides insufficient explanation for why the Rwanda conflict was not prevented or contained, because it is based on the argument that the United Nations had intervened in Rwanda while it had not."
| |
|
Humanitarian Intervention, 2008.
An analysis of the political, economic, social and religious factors that impact the decision of whether to provide humanitarian intervention.
2,620 words (approx. 10.5 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 78.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses humanitarian intervention and whether it is always justified. It then presents and discusses the complex political, economic, social and religious factors that often combine in the real world to present difficult decisions for national and international authorities when debating whether international humanitarian intervention is necessary or justified. The paper provides examples of past major humanitarian disasters and discusses the outcomes of humanitarian intervention.
From the Paper
"Ultimately, the complexities of international politics and the constant shifting of immediate national interests preclude the wide application of universal rules for determining whether humanitarian intervention is necessary or justified, for there are so many political, economic, social, religious, cultural, and historical factors involved. In the context of international politics, theories are not scientific laws, they are simply guidelines which help explain the intervention policies nations pursue, and which serve to reduce at least some of the confusion as to why nations do what they do when a humanitarian crisis develops somewhere in the world."
| |
|
Darfur and Humanitarian Intervention, 2007.
An analysis of the case of Darfur, Sudan and the neo-liberal view of humanitarian intervention there.
4,200 words (approx. 16.8 pages), 18 sources, MLA, $ 112.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper presents a neo-liberal analysis of the politics of humanitarian intervention with a focus on Darfur in Sudan. It shows how the Sudanese government fails dearly in resolving the humanitarian crisis ther and, in fact, fuels the crisis. The paper looks at the urgent call for intervention from the international community and discusses the issues and disputes that arise from this intervention. The paper makes its analysis from a neo-liberal perspective.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Introduction
Darfur: A Background
Humanitarian Intervention
Darfur and the Politics of Humanitarian Intervention: A Neo-liberal Analysis
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Last is the issue of resources. With the discovery of oil in Sudan, many of the world's big players, like France and China, have then taken a keen interest of the issues confronting the country. The confirmation of substantial oil reserves in the contested south adds to the country's geopolitical importance. This is evidenced in the tangled US history in Sudan has veered back and forth between close support and active antagonism for decades, first according to the vagaries of regional Cold War alliances and later the exigencies of domestic American politics. Today, the dominant concerns are the "war on terrorism" - and oil. Also, the factor that China is one of the biggest investors in Khartoum and the fact that China gets its supply of oil to fuel its skyrocketing development from Sudan says a lot in its passive response to the atrocities in Darfur.
"This was seen in the role that it played in the delay in the sending of UN peacekeeping forces in Darfur. The immediate cause of the delay has been attributed is the refusal by Sudan's president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, to agree to a UN force. He is able to get away with this largely because China, a permanent member of the Security Council, continues to protect him with the threat of using its veto. One reason Beijing stands behind Bashir is oil. China is trying to diversify its oil sources beyond the crisis- prone Middle East, and Africa is one obvious alternative. Already, 7 percent of China's imported oil comes from Sudan . Based on this, it is then quite clear that resources do matter in the politics of humanitarian intervention - an issue that is not given much importance in the neo-liberal perspective."
| |
|
Humanitarian Intervention, 2005.
A discussion of the current challenges of international law and the principle of humanitarian intervention.
8,055 words (approx. 32.2 pages), 15 sources, MLA, $ 173.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how we have recently seen an increase in the number of intra-state conflicts giving rise for a need for a new intervention agenda and how the traditional image of peacekeeping is one of the forms of intervention that the international community undertakes. It discusses the central elements of humanitarian intervention as well as the current challenges to international law that humanitarian intervention pose. It also considers the implications of the actions taken by the U.S. and U.K. in Iraq on international law.
From the Paper
"The United Kingdom and the United States would have to satisfy the test of proportionality, necessity and probability in order to be able to invoke a war against Iraq on the basis of pre-emptive self-defence. Given that there is no proof that Iraq was developing WMDs that would have the potential of de-stabilising international peace and security, the war against Iraq would ?violate any reasonable interpretation of either the Charter?s limited provisions for self-defence exception or the customary law of pre-emptive self-defence."
| |
|
Humanitarian Intervention: Rumping Sovereignty in Kosovo, 2002.
This paper is a justification of NATO's bombing campaign in the Kosovo War.
2,295 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 70.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper looks at "Operation Allied Force" NATO's bombing campaign against Serbia during the Kosovo War in 1999. The history of the conflict is presented in detail, with particular attention being placed on the humanitarian needs of the population that was being devastated by this war. The author presents several arguments against the bombing, and discusses why these arguments are wrong, or do not apply to Kosovo. In addition to the human rights angle, the author also looks at the political reasons for NATO's intervention, first and foremost being, regional stability and the fear that the war would spread.
From the Paper
"Detractors argue that the clear acceleration of Serb ethnic cleansing of Albanians in Kosovo that occurred concurrently with Operation Allied Force demonstrates that the war did not aid the Kosovars; however, given the ominous signs of ethnic cleansing, the argument is insupportable. After all, whether Serb atrocities and ethnic cleansing occurred over one month or six months is low impact. Although the Kosovars did suffer much before the end of the war, the war's ultimate result-- protection from Serb atrocities and the fall from power and trial of Slobodan Milosevic-- will allow the Kosovars to more securely recover from the harm that they have suffered, and be more secure in the future than they would have under continued rule by Milosevic."
| |
|
The Kosovo Conflict: Military Intervention and Humanitarian Crisis, 2002.
A paper which studies the structure and dynamics of the Kosovo Conflict and the humanitarian crisis management by the international community.
7,694 words (approx. 30.8 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 167.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper explores the Kosovo conflict, its escalation in 1998 and its subsequent management. It is divided in four parts. First, it deals with the accusations of human rights violations within the province and presents diverse evidence from various human rights groups on the existence of such abuses. Second, it examines the Serbian response to these allegations and the reasons behind Milosevic's unwillingness to rectify the worsening situation. Third, it presents an evaluation of the need for intervention with regard to International Law and previous humanitarian practice. Fourth, it analyzes the diplomatic and military actions taken by the International Community.
Table of Contents:
Introduction.
The Human Rights Situation in Kosovo:
History of Albanian Mistreatment.
Allegations of Human Rights Violations.
The Serbian Response to Accusations of Human Rights Violations.
An Evaluation of the Need for Intervention with Regard to International Humanitarian Law
An Examination of the Accusations of Human Rights Violations.
On the Legality of Military Intervention.
International Action
International Humanitarian Action in Perspective: The Failure of Diplomacy and the NATO Bombing Campaign
Belated Recommendations: Was there an Alternative?
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The Bosnia and the Kosovo conflicts marked the biggest outbreaks of violence in Europe after the end of the Second World War. The instable political environment in federal Yugoslavia after the fall of communism, brought about the emergence of salient ethnic issues, which led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. The focus of this paper is the Kosovo conflict, the human rights violations that led to its escalation, and the international response that followed. Even though the situation in Serbia has changed and democratic parties are in power, the Kosovo question is still far from being resolved due to the mutual hatred of Serbs and Albanians. Moreover, the downturn of the Kosovo crisis gave credibility to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) as a political player, which has further exacerbated the situation not only in Kosovo, but also in neighboring Montenegro and Macedonia."
| |
|
The League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper discusses the participation of the U.S. in the League of Nations and the United Nations as an element of the American national interest.
1,730 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 15 sources, APA, $ 55.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper explains that, although the U. S. failed to support the League of Nations, America supported the United Nations because the supreme national interest of America was to obtain a world atmosphere in which the United States could grow its inner social values devoid of undue commotion or danger from the outside. The author points out that collective action via the United Nations instead of unilateral action was considered politically viable on key political issues. The paper concludes that the League of Nations and the United Nations disappointed hopes the following the two world wars because, in no way, can they be an autonomous political power; at best, the U.N. is a mirror image of the opposing interest of autonomous states.
Table of Contents
Introduction
America's Rejection to Support the League of Nations
The Historical Background
The Fundamental Principals that Lead to the Rejection of the League of Nations
America's Support for the United Nations
Using United Nations to Achieve the Goals of American Foreign Policy
The Fundamental Goal of Military Security
The Fundamental Goal of Political Security:
The Fundamental Goal of Stability and Welfare
The Fundamental Goal of World Order
Conclusion
From the Paper
"In the United States of America the major disagreement on both the groundwork venture and the refined Covenant of the League of Nations had been on the base that the League would function as an intrusion with the sovereignty of America and with the Monroe principle, that it concerned desertion of the traditional American policy, which had not been in favor of entrapped coalitions, and that the government did not have the power, within its Constitution, to insert such an agreement . Independence has revealed to be just so much freedom of action on the behalf of countries as is coherent with their responsibility, within international law and principles, to authorize the application of uniform independence or freedom of action by their sister countries. The League agreement had assured all States in their application of this sovereignty free from coercion by other Countries, and he who desires more is actually in search of the authorization thoughtlessly to ignore these commitments -- to refuse, for instance, the fair rulings of a properly established tribunal -- which is the German perception of independence."
| |
|
League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, $ 39.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
In this article, the writer compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations as international organizations formed to maintain peace and international cooperation. The writer discusses the League's role in reducing international tensions and its limited effectiveness. Further, the writer discusses the complexity of the United Nations as an organization.
From the Paper
Inis L. Claude stated that 'One World' is in some respects an idea land an aspiration born of modern interpretations of ancient moral thoughts and of rational estimates of the requirements for human survival. Both the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations were created as international organizations with a vested interest in maintaining the peace, preventing war, creating a mechanism or set of mechanisms for international cooperation and diplomacy and otherwise serving as trustees of ... "
| |
|
Nationalism and the Founding of Nations, 2007.
A discussion of whether it is nationalism which engenders nations or the opposite.
1,990 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 14 sources, APA, $ 63.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues the case in favor of the stance that nationalism engenders nations, and not the other way around. The paper points out that there has yet to be any real consensus reached among historians regarding this question. It asserts that a large proportion of this debate relies on the context in which the argument is made, i.e. the time-frame and historical references used. Furthermore, definitions of the terms "nationalism" and "nation" vary from one source to another. The paper attempts to define these key terms. The interaction between nations and nationalism is analyzed using the nationalist movement of eighteenth and nineteenth century Germany as a reference point. The paper concludes that analyzing the origins of the nationalist movement illustrates how nationalism preceded the nation.
From the Paper
"It has already been said that a nation is not something overly definitive, so how can we justify its existence? It is generally accepted that any nation of people exists because that certain group of people have something or some things in common; race, language, culture, history etc. But it is inadequate to define a nation by describing it as an entity in which all individuals share common characteristics, because there will always be exceptions to the rule. Yet, if we try to define a nation using only a single rule, e.g. the necessity of a shared culture, then we narrow it down to too fine a focus, and potentially exclude a large number of people who identify themselves as being part of that nation. Renan, for example, championed heritage and the shared "heroic past" of a people as the only required component of a nation."
| |
|
Two Nations Within a Nation, 2002.
A justification for slavery.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 6 sources, $ 35.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues that slavery was good for blacks. The author explains that the moral justification to slavery used by Southerners was that there was an inherent 'inferiority' in dark-skinned peoples. This meant that 'superior' races had a legitimate right to control them as they saw fit.
| |
|
Nation - Nation State, 2002.
Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 57.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper
"Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of ?nation? and ?nation state? it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
|
|
|
