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Rwanda: The United Nations' Failure, 2005.
A look at how and why the U.N. has failed in its peacemaking efforts in Rwanda.
1,612 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 52.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that the United Nations has not responded to humanitarian crisis and conflicts like Rwanda in an efficient and effective way. The UN has failed not only because of its inherent weakness and poverty of means and resources, but also because of the fundamental flaw in its post-Cold War peacemaking approach.
From the Paper
"Although Clapham's claims contain some truth his article has a methodological weakness. It is flawed because it takes a very narrow view of UN peacekeeping and peacekeeping models. Clapham, for example, argues that the UN has only used one peacekeeping model during the post-Cold War period and insists on examining the United Nations' role in the ethnic conflict in Rwanda through that model. However, the point is that this model does not apply to Rwanda because the United Nations never used it in that country. His methodology provides insufficient explanation for why the Rwanda conflict was not prevented or contained, because it is based on the argument that the United Nations had intervened in Rwanda while it had not."
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Rwanda and the United Nations, 2008.
This paper explores the 1984 genocide in Rwanda and the role of the United Nations in this tragedy.
1,643 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 53.95
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Abstract
The paper examines the history of the ethnic conflicts in Rwanda and the outcome of the genocide. The paper determines that the United Nations (UN) facilitated the catastrophe and failed the suffering people of Rwanda. The paper also asserts that the UN may be closer to the brink of disaster than almost any of the conflict-torn states it has failed to help in the past. The paper includes a copy of the source material and an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper
"When the fighting broke out in April of 1994, most of the world was caught in the unhappy position of trying to figure out what could have triggered some monstrous acts. What it learned is that the history of Rwanda has long been, for all intents and purposes, a history of two people: the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority. For many generations, there has been a lingering enmity between the two parties that only needed one spark, however contrived, to burst into a conflagration. In early April of 1994, the murders of Rwandan president, Juvenal Habyarimana, and Burundian president, Cyprien Ntaryamira, proved that fateful spark (Michaels & Mutiso, 44). The question thus becomes, what was it precisely that turned the Hutu against their Tutsi co-citizens in such a dramatic and barbaric way? The answer, perhaps not surprisingly, is found by looking at Rwanda's colonial past."
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The United Nations and Africa, 2005.
A discussion on whether the United Nations has actually failed Africa.
2,800 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 22 sources, APA, $ 83.95
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Abstract
In order to understand adequately whether and to what degree, the UN has failed Africa, this paper examines the question on two levels: the political and the social. On the political side, it looks at the history surrounding the decolonisation of Africa and the role of the Security Council and peacekeeping forces in Africa, with a specific focus on Rwanda. On a social level, it scrutinizes the historical management, by the UN and its organs, of HIV/AIDS, as well as examining broader issues of social concern. Ultimately, it is argued that indeed, historically, the UN has failed Africa on a number of both political and social levels; however, it is also suggested that these failures, resulting largely from inaction and mismanagement, must not prevent African states for continuing to engage in the United Nations and its activities.
Outline
Introduction
Failure and Success on a Political Level
Failure and Success on a Social Level
Conclusion
From the Paper
"As has previously been examined, the UN was largely successful in helping to decolonise various African states. However, a decolonized Africa was not necessarily a peaceful one and, as has also been previously examined, ethnic divisions, a legacy of colonialism, remained. The Rwandan genocide is no doubt the foremost example of this. Rwanda was once described as 'the Switzerland of Africa' ; however, starting in April 1994, and lasting around 100 days, Rwanda's Tutsi people suffered genocide amounting to the largest scale human atrocity to occur in recent decades, and indeed, one of the worst violations of human rights in modern times. Not only were an estimated 5-10% of the Rwandan population killed , but these events sparked the cycle of mass killings and bloodshed that would devastate the region for years to come. "
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"The New Nature of Nation-State Failure", 2006.
A critique and review of Robert I. Rotberg's "The New Nature of a Nation-State Failure".
2,811 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 83.95
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Abstract
This paper analyzes "The New Nature of Nation-State Failure" by Robert I. Rotberg. According to the paper, Rotberg offers the reader a close and intimate view of what actually occurs and what the citizens undergo as the nation-state's failure plays out according to the lines written by a ruling elite class of powerful governing classes that have essentially taken over the country in a patriarchal and despotic rule.
Outline:
Introduction
Summary
Strengths and Weaknesses
Improvements
Conclusions
From the Paper
"Rotberg moves on to the subject of prevention of such state failure call it much easier than a revival once having failed or collapsed in a destructive manner. Long and expensive are the call words that Rotberg assigns to revival of a country after such as state of failure and collapse has been reached. Creation of security, administrative structure, a bureaucracy and location of funds are the steps taken in the first effort of revival of a collapsed state along with establishment of a legal code and system, training of court officials and opening of courtrooms, restarting of schools, rebuilding and refurbishing of hospitals, building of roads, gathering of demographical statistics. Although Rotberg states that elections are not first priority but constitutions and elections to encourage democracy are very important. It is more important according to Rotberg that strength is given to nation states prior to failure as it is much easier to attempt revival from this point instead of after failure and collapse. He cites 'outside support' as being 'conditional on monetary and fiscal streamlining' with 'renewed attention to good governance, with reforms of land tenure systems and strict adherence to the rule of law" taking place. Nothing that endures can be accomplished in a short period of time. It is very important that failure of many of these states is prevented but it is also costly. These places ethnic cleansing and famines result in the newly failed states with terrorist groups taking hold. "
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Arab Nationalism: Challenges and Failures, 2004.
A look at two facets of Arab nationalism and how nationalism has influenced the politics, perceptions, and the actions of the Arab people.
2,536 words (approx. 10.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 76.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the implications for the Arab peoples of the concept of the Arab nation and Arab nationalism. The paper discusses how this concept affects the politics of the Arab nations, looks at how attainable the Arab nation really is, and discusses the real obstacles to achieving Arab unity. The paper includes a complete outline and an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper
"The Arab nation, or Arab World, does not actually exist as a united country, but as a dream in the hearts and minds of many of the citizens of the twenty two Arab countries that form this nation. The fact that the Arab nation does not exist, could serve as an argument against the notion of Arab nationalism. Quite simply, how can Arab nationalism be real or taken in a serious sense when there is no Arab nation? Even though this question is a natural and logical one, considering that the reference is to feelings of nationalism for a nation that does not exist, it ignores one important historical fact. That is, the Arab nations did once exist, and was once united under a single powerful empire. Although it does not presently exist, as a geographic and political reality, the Arab nation has survived in terms of a shared language, culture and history, common traditions and beliefs, and most importantly united goals and ambitions. Therefore, while one has to concede to the fact that the Arab nation is not a nation in the traditional sense of the world and that attempts at creating this nation over the past decades have failed, the fact is that the Arab nation and Arab nationalism are real, have powerful psychological attraction for Arabs, and have been the basis of popular Arab ideologies; and the failure to achieve the goal of Arab unity has mainly been due to the reluctance of the individual Arab leaders to give up their dictatorship powers in favour of power-sharing with other leaders."
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The League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper discusses the participation of the U.S. in the League of Nations and the United Nations as an element of the American national interest.
1,730 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 15 sources, APA, $ 55.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, although the U. S. failed to support the League of Nations, America supported the United Nations because the supreme national interest of America was to obtain a world atmosphere in which the United States could grow its inner social values devoid of undue commotion or danger from the outside. The author points out that collective action via the United Nations instead of unilateral action was considered politically viable on key political issues. The paper concludes that the League of Nations and the United Nations disappointed hopes the following the two world wars because, in no way, can they be an autonomous political power; at best, the U.N. is a mirror image of the opposing interest of autonomous states.
Table of Contents
Introduction
America's Rejection to Support the League of Nations
The Historical Background
The Fundamental Principals that Lead to the Rejection of the League of Nations
America's Support for the United Nations
Using United Nations to Achieve the Goals of American Foreign Policy
The Fundamental Goal of Military Security
The Fundamental Goal of Political Security:
The Fundamental Goal of Stability and Welfare
The Fundamental Goal of World Order
Conclusion
From the Paper
"In the United States of America the major disagreement on both the groundwork venture and the refined Covenant of the League of Nations had been on the base that the League would function as an intrusion with the sovereignty of America and with the Monroe principle, that it concerned desertion of the traditional American policy, which had not been in favor of entrapped coalitions, and that the government did not have the power, within its Constitution, to insert such an agreement . Independence has revealed to be just so much freedom of action on the behalf of countries as is coherent with their responsibility, within international law and principles, to authorize the application of uniform independence or freedom of action by their sister countries. The League agreement had assured all States in their application of this sovereignty free from coercion by other Countries, and he who desires more is actually in search of the authorization thoughtlessly to ignore these commitments -- to refuse, for instance, the fair rulings of a properly established tribunal -- which is the German perception of independence."
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League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, $ 39.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations as international organizations formed to maintain peace and international cooperation. The writer discusses the League's role in reducing international tensions and its limited effectiveness. Further, the writer discusses the complexity of the United Nations as an organization.
From the Paper
Inis L. Claude stated that 'One World' is in some respects an idea land an aspiration born of modern interpretations of ancient moral thoughts and of rational estimates of the requirements for human survival. Both the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations were created as international organizations with a vested interest in maintaining the peace, preventing war, creating a mechanism or set of mechanisms for international cooperation and diplomacy and otherwise serving as trustees of ... "
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Nationalism and the Founding of Nations, 2007.
A discussion of whether it is nationalism which engenders nations or the opposite.
1,990 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 14 sources, APA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper argues the case in favor of the stance that nationalism engenders nations, and not the other way around. The paper points out that there has yet to be any real consensus reached among historians regarding this question. It asserts that a large proportion of this debate relies on the context in which the argument is made, i.e. the time-frame and historical references used. Furthermore, definitions of the terms "nationalism" and "nation" vary from one source to another. The paper attempts to define these key terms. The interaction between nations and nationalism is analyzed using the nationalist movement of eighteenth and nineteenth century Germany as a reference point. The paper concludes that analyzing the origins of the nationalist movement illustrates how nationalism preceded the nation.
From the Paper
"It has already been said that a nation is not something overly definitive, so how can we justify its existence? It is generally accepted that any nation of people exists because that certain group of people have something or some things in common; race, language, culture, history etc. But it is inadequate to define a nation by describing it as an entity in which all individuals share common characteristics, because there will always be exceptions to the rule. Yet, if we try to define a nation using only a single rule, e.g. the necessity of a shared culture, then we narrow it down to too fine a focus, and potentially exclude a large number of people who identify themselves as being part of that nation. Renan, for example, championed heritage and the shared "heroic past" of a people as the only required component of a nation."
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Rwanda Genocide, 2007.
This paper looks at the Rwanda genocide, concentrating on the failure of the United Nations to fulfill its peacekeeping role.
3,341 words (approx. 13.4 pages), 13 sources, MLA, $ 95.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer examines the causes and events that led to the failure of the United Nation's peacekeeping mission in Rwanda. The writer points out that, as the United Nations peacekeeping contingency embarked on its mission, it arrived in Rwanda to find the country in a crisis, composed of civil unrest between the Hutu and the Tutsi, that eventually deteriorated into genocide. The writer maintains that the evidence shows a complete failure on the part of the United Nations and in its ability to intervene or control or have any significant impact on the genocide taking place in Rwanda. Further, the writer claims that there is some evidence that contributions were made by individuals or small groups of individuals who were able to assist in saving a few number of lives, but nothing compared to the 800,000 Rwandans who lost their lives in one of history's darkest times.
Outline:
Introduction
Rwanda
Genocide
United Nations in Rwanda
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The policies of the government are set by the president in consultation with the Council of Government, which is composed of 17 cabinet ministers. The president introduces laws, which are then submitted for approval to the CND. During its first year, this parliamentary body passed 49 laws, including new tax laws, commercial regulations, and modifications to the criminal code. The government is characterized by political moderation and fiscal conservatism and has focused on development problems, especially food production, education, health care, housing, employment, and infrastructure. Ethnic harmony is the government's stated objective, though an objective that has clearly failed to date."
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Two Nations Within a Nation, 2002.
A justification for slavery.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 6 sources, $ 35.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that slavery was good for blacks. The author explains that the moral justification to slavery used by Southerners was that there was an inherent 'inferiority' in dark-skinned peoples. This meant that 'superior' races had a legitimate right to control them as they saw fit.
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The Genocide of Rwanda, 2005.
A paper about Rwanda and the lack of United States and United Nations intervention.
969 words (approx. 3.9 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 34.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the genocide in Rwanda and why neither the United States nor the United Nations ran to help those in need. It describes some of the events of the war including the true victors, the Rwandan Patriotic Force.
From the Paper
"During the conflict, the UN managed to extract non-Rwandans from the nation before the killings became uncontrollable by the government. American, Belgians, French and all non-Rwandans were escorted to safety, but those being slaughtered were left behind to die. This method is really unacceptable. Really, why did the UN not get the hint that militaristic forces were needed when their own men were becoming trophy kills? When the Rwandan Hutus would manage to kill a UN soldier, they celebrated in the streets. Crowds roared; there was celebration all for the killing of one UN soldier."
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Nation - Nation State, 2002.
Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 57.95
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Abstract
Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper
"Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of ?nation? and ?nation state? it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
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Nationalism and the Modern Nation State, 2004.
A comparison of Umut Ozkirimli?s work, entitled "Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction" and Stuart J. Kaufman?s "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War".
842 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 29.95
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Abstract
This paper examines these two writers' views on nationality and concludes that, although Kaufman is more inclined to speak of ?hatreds? rather than ethnic identities, Kaufman also, like Ozkirimli, stresses the importance of understanding the emotional significance of ethnic and national identity when constructing a nation state, rather than the idea that ethnicity exists as a linear, enclosed historical trope within definable and easily recognizable boundaries;ethnicity is ?felt,? rather than historically in evidence, for both authors.
From the Paper
"The overview present in Umut Ozkirimli?s analysis is a warning not to dismiss the importance of nationalism, and also a caution not to accept certain groups? claims to nationhood wholesale and at their face value, as the concept of what constitutes ethnicity shifts and changes, depending on individual?s particular political alliances in a particular historical context. Ozkirimili?s work has a far more dispassionate tone, in contrast, to Stuart J. Kaufman?s Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Kaufman?s work, in contrast to Ozkirimli, is more stridently prescriptive in nature. However, Kaufman is also more rigorous in his use of international political theoretical frameworks to justify his suggestions to policymakers."
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Quebec Nationalism vs. Canadian Nationalism, 2006.
A discussion on why nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 10 sources, $ 89.95
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Abstract
It is very clear that nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada. While Quebec remains a province of federal Canada, the question of seceding from Canada and becoming an independent country is never far from the agenda of most politicians in Quebec, and generates immense patriotic fervor throughout Quebec. This factor makes Quebec entirely different from other Canadian provinces. For example, we never hear talk of British Columbia seceding from Canada and becoming the Republic of British Columbia. In order to understand this peculiar situation, this paper investigates Canada's past and, specifically, the history of Quebec with Canada.
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Cambodia and Rwanda, 2008.
An examination of the failure of the United Nations and the United States to intervene prior to the massacres in Cambodia and Rwanda.
1,392 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the genocides in Cambodia and Rwanda and how the United Nations failed to respond although their intervention was sought in both countries. The author finds that the U.S. was responsible for the removal of UN peacekeepers already in Rwanda, and posits that many lives could have been saved in both countries, had the U.S. taken the internal conflicts in both places seriously.
From the Paper
"As with Rwanda, it is clear that the world knew what was happening, at least after a certain point, and yet failed to do all it could to stop the killing. Howard Adelman and Astri Suhrke find that those in charge of various agencies and stats did not know in the beginning that the Tutsis would be subject to genocide, though they did have the information that could have told them this would happen. These groups should have analyzed the data, drawn the proper conclusions, and then done something to prevent what occurred, but they did not, and the authors cite the failure of the UN in particular."
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