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Organized Crime in Russia, 2004.
This paper discusses the problems, in terms of crime, that have and are still facing Russia, the operation of organized crime in Russia, and the way it has molded the people and society of Russia.
5,185 words (approx. 20.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 129.95
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Abstract
This paper relates that the Number One problem the post-Soviet society is facing today is not a new problem, but one that was dormant and concealed: organized crime. The author points out that, by the time of the fall of the Communist regime, the largest source of capital and wealth inside the Soviet Union was in the black market, with capital owned, manipulated, and governed by the Communist Party. The paper states that one of the ways this criminal environment can be remedied is by pressure on Russia and incentives from the international community to start to solve this problem.
From the Paper
"The new organized criminals differ in character from the criminals of the traditional syndicate due to the fact that the new organized criminals are more like a jack-of-all-trades. They are characters with many masks. These new criminals have many acquaintances with the old black market world, the old criminal world. They are acquainted with the official world of politics as well as the old structure of the communist party. These new types of criminal are the people that are now classified as the Mafia."
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Russia and the WTO, 2006.
An analysis of several factors that have contributed to Russia's current interest in joining the World Trade Organization (WTO).
1,080 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 37.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses Russia's relationship with the World Trade Organization (WTO). It looks at some of the major political and economic implications after accession and the potential effect of this process on the future.
Outline
The World Trade Organization
Russia's Path to the World Trade Organization
Major Political and Economic Implications for Russia
Russia's WTO Accession and Georgia
From the Paper
"According to the accession rules, to become a WTO member at least two-third of member countries should give their approval. However Georgia has important leverage with which to block Russia's entry. For membership, the applicant country should reach bilateral agreements with those countries with which the applicant has some trade and/or political disputes. The findings of these negotiations are then presented to the General Council of the WTO and if the Council approves the results, the accession process will continue. Evidently, if Russia does not meet all of the requirements, then the general council will not refer to the findings as the country's entry will be automatically blocked. "
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Russia and Europe, 2005.
This paper discusses that Russia will never become an integral part of Europe.
1,810 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, after the collapse of the once all-powerful communist system in the Soviet Union in 1991, the natural progression seemed to be the prompt absorption of Russia into Europe; however, despite Russia's attempt to adopt a central government, the enlargement of negotiations with the European Union and the fact that most Russians want this integration, it hasn't happened. The author points out that geography is a major reason because (1) Russia, the world's largest country and more than twice the size of the entire continent of Europe, is seen by the European countries to be overpowering and (2) the border countries of eastern Europe--Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Poland-are now strongly anti-communist. The paper contends that the most important reason that this merger has not yet happened is because of (1) the difference in normative values, including psychological characteristics, behavioral patterns and cultural orientations, and of (2) Europe's remaining conception of Russia as an intimidating military "superpower".
From the Paper
"The security issue is two-fold, as well. In fact, there is a growing apprehension in Russia that Europe may come to dominate Russia economically, and may exclude it from the life of Europe and deny Russia access to Eastern Europe and former parts of the USSR, and that a new "encirclement of the Motherland" may start forming. These worries are not limited to the extremist camp and are spreading through the entire establishment of the Russian Federation. Many believe that this will lead to a new division of the continent, which is dangerous to peace and Russian development."
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Russia and America, 2002.
A review of America's policy on foreign aid and programs of assistance to Russia since the collapse of the Communist regime.
7,424 words (approx. 29.7 pages), 29 sources, MLA, $ 163.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the use of and shifts in American foreign assistance policy to Russia and how those shifts and uses have impacted upon the former Soviet Union, or Russia herself. The paper addresses the following questions: 1.What has been the effect of American foreign aid to Russia since the collapse in 1989? 2.What are the specific efforts or programs initiated by the United States to provide assistance to Russia? 3. What are the functional powers that allow for such aid? 4. How does American foreign aid to Russia since 1989 reflect or deviate from past examples of American bilateral assistance? The paper offers a brief overview of the key transformations taking place in the former Soviet Union over the past 11-plus years. The paper argues that American foreign assistance to Russia has not succeeded in bolstering the country's emergent democratic institutions to the degree anticipated, largely as a consequence of internal Russian corruption and ineptitude and of America's failure to properly assess the Russian situation.
From the Paper
"Any nation, including the United States, requires the ability to deal with its international environment in a flexible and effective manner. In practice, this often necessitates assuming the position of global peacekeeper or "policeman," as the U.S. has done in the cases of Grenada, Haiti, Panama, Bosnia, and Somalia (Nincic, 1988). Nincic (1988) notes that policy-making in a democracy must have three principal attributes: 1) it must be based upon the policy preferences of the public; 2) the powers of a democracy's managers must be constrained; and 3) policy must not violate rights and liberties."
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Economic Reform in Russia and Organized Crime, 2006.
A look at the problem of organized crime in Russia and how economic reform in Russia is partly responsible for the problem.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 9 sources, $ 89.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a discussion of economic reform in post-Soviet Russia and the prevalence and impact or organized crime that has continued to grow with the market economy there. Billions of dollars have left the former USSR; criminals have infiltrated most institutions and control approximately half of the national economy.
From the Paper
"Organized crime thrives in particular environments, as in post-Soviet Russia's capitalist economy of administrative ineffectiveness and inefficiency. For example, Russian businesses have required operation licenses from the state, as opposed to just registration, as in Western Europe. Bottlenecks have promoted bribery with officials refusing to process licenses, on demand, in danger. In much greater ways, full-fledged crime involves a large sector of the Russian economy, and its capital. A weaker central government and adjustment to a market economy promote increased criminal activity. One sees remarks on Soviet conditions having made a Russian culture of 'cheating' as the only way to advance, or obtain housing, goods."
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Economic and Political Progress in Russia, 2002.
A look at the challenges facing Russia's economy and political structure.
3,400 words (approx. 13.6 pages), 7 sources, $ 124.95
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Abstract
This paper examines Russia as facing the greatest challenge in the transition from plan to market. It might even be argued that Russia faces the greatest political and economic challenge the world has ever known. As the mother of communism, Russia was longer steeped in its tenets than its satellite states. And as a geo-political behemoth, creating social consensus and moving towards democratic consolidation has always been next to impossible. In the end, Russia is an un-natural economic and political unit. To present, this has made success impossible, and more of the same can be expected in the future. Russia's next leader will inherit a legacy that is unwieldy, corrupt, bankrupt (morally and financially), and almost doomed to failure. Only if you have the hands of a magician, Mr. Primakov, can you make something of this disaster.
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Russia and The European Union, 2006.
This paper examines the various reasons why Russia is still not a member of the European Union.
1,274 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 43.95
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Abstract
This paper focuses on the evident rise of Russian nationalism, which is a result of the domestic media and various political players who want to keep Russia isolated from western influences. This is only one of the reasons Russia has not yet joined the European Union (EU). The writer of this paper analyzes the Russian government's displeasure with the EU due to the addition of several countries from the former Soviet bloc, including: Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Slovakia and Slovenia, which resulted in Russia abstaining from joining the EU. This paper also discusses the EU's dissatisfaction with Russia's handling of their ongoing conflict with breakaway Chechnya as well as Russia's federal control which signals a departure from democratic decision-making.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Why Did the Russian Government Decide Not to Join? (Reasons & Primary Sources)
Domestic Debate: Press, Positions by Major Political Actors, Parties, Interest Groups and Prominent Opinion Makers
Conclusion
Bibliography
From the Paper
"A recent survey conducted by the Russian Center for National Problems and Reforms yielded an insight into Russian domestic ideology as it pertains to the west. Twenty-two percent believed that Russia is a superpower and that any problems should be solved independent of the west. Twelve percent believed that closer ties to the west are imperative is necessary if there is to be economic reform. Eighteen percent want to return to socialism as existed during Lenin's regime. Fifteen percent are centrists and pragmatists who believe that Russia should foster relationships with the west and with middle eastern and Asian neighbors when it suites the country's needs. A look at these domestic statistics reveals that the liberal democrats are losing ground, and the Radical Conservative/Nationalist political position is taking greater hold even over more moderate positions."
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Russia and the U.S., 2002.
A look at the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
36,352 words (approx. 145.4 pages), 118 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States has struggled to develop and to articulate a comprehensive and coherent foreign policy toward the fifteen states that have taken its place. It analyzes the relationships between the different presidents of both countries, as well as their different policies, and attempts to identify some of the foreign policy initiatives and strategies that the United States should consider adopting towards Russia over the course of the next few years.
Outline
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
The Yeltsin Regime
The Current State of Affairs
Struggles of the "New" Russia
Russia and the U.S.: Future Policy Directions and Implications
From the Paper
"Both the United States and the Soviet Union must share the responsibility for the start and continuation of the Cold War in the period between 1945 and 1963. During World War II, the U.S. and the Soviets were allies committed to the defeat of mutual enemies - Japan and Germany. At the end of World War II, as the Allies struggled to reconfigure the European polity and establish a new order in the East, the interests of the Soviet Union and the United States came into direct collision. For western leaders and their diplomats, World War II had a successful but hardly "neat" ending; too many questions were left unanswered, such as the future of Poland and Germany, which had been opened at Yalta and Potsdam but left unresolved (Kennedy, 1987; Keohane, 1984)."
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Russia, Ukraine and the WTO, 2005.
A discussion on Ukraine and Russia and their attempts to become members of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
5,290 words (approx. 21.2 pages), 25 sources, MLA, $ 135.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the importance of the WTO in globalization and free trade and focuses on its benefits to Russia. It also examines Russia's position on the Ukraine and the Ukrainian government. Includes outline.
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Russia, 2006.
An overview of political, social-welfare, health and demographic conditions in modern-day Russia.
2,200 words (approx. 8.8 pages), 10 sources, APA, $ 68.95
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Abstract
This paper provides a thorough overview of the present conditions in Russia, from political and regional issues to health concerns and ethnicity challenges. Detailed, encyclopedic information underscores the current demographic and statistic realities in the country, while an analysis of political and other issues helps to create a picture of the challenges and opportunities for Russia.
Outline:
Key Recent Developments in Russia
Main Challenges or Problems
Key Regional Issues
Relations with Neighboring Countries
Health Statistics
National Health Accounts
Increase in Disease
Health Commitment
Nutrition, Water and Smoking
Coping With Poverty
Ethnicity & Religion
Demographics
Post-Soviet Period
Generational Groupings
Social Structure
From the Paper
"Pervasive government corruption, very high criminal activities ranging from petty street crimes to mafia controlled criminal rings, and a weak judicial and banking system that has failed to protect consumers and businesses alike, have combined to undermine the Russian public's faith in the prevalent economic system. The security issue in Russia is another major problem, highlighted by the downing of two passenger planes and the massacre of 300 people in a school in Beslan last summer. ("Russia at a Glance," 2005) This lack of faith is reflected in the alarmingly declining trend of the country's population, which could fall to 135 million by 2020 from its current level of approximately 146 million if the present problems continue."
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The United States and Russia, 2002.
Examines the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
19,500 words (approx. 78.0 pages), 89 sources, APA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper describes in detail American relations with Russia in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, focusing on the "Gorbachev years" as the first stage of a multi-pronged analysis of an evolutionary American foreign policy. It provides some insight into how the Russian political situation has effected and may continue to effect the future of the relationship. It focuses primarily upon Russia itself and not upon American relations with the other fourteen states that have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union. As needed, however, and where the relationships with such states as Ukraine or Lithuania overlap with American involvement with Russia itself, these issues are addressed.
The first of the three sections of the paper demonstrates that while it may be true that some opportunities for a profitable mutual involvement have, in fact, been missed due to U.S. inaction or indecision or uncertainty, enormous opportunities remain available. The report draws upon literature to indicate how U.S. initiatives have been undertaken, their effects and the Russian response. A background analysis of the relationships of the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War and America's own position as a hegemon are provided. The second section of the paper deals with the Yeltsin years and the final section with the current state of the United States/Russian relationship.
Subtitles:
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
Introduction
Background of the Relationship
The Collapse of the Soviet Union
The Yeltsin Regime
Overview
The Russian Situation Under Yeltsin
The Economic Issue
The Yeltsin Collapse Begins
Effects of Regionalism
Critical U.S. Policy Initiatives
The Current State of Affairs
The End of the Yeltsin Era
Putin
Future Directions of U.S. Policy
From the Paper
"Nevertheless, the world in the absence of the Soviet Union is not a world fully at peace. The Middle East and portions of Africa remained troubled and potentially explosive, requiring an American military and security response, perhaps via the continued U.S. participation in multilateral peacekeeping and other military activities of the United Nations. Containment, as a policy doctrine, remains critical in certain of these cases such as that presented by the Middle East. A long-term American policy of supporting those governments and/or movements most likely to in turn be supportive of democratic systems should be continued, regardless of the political orientation of the President and the Congress (Kennedy, 1987)."
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The EU and Russia, 2005.
A critical evaluation of the European Union's policy towards Russia since the end of the Cold War.
5,074 words (approx. 20.3 pages), 33 sources, MLA, $ 127.95
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Abstract
This paper deals with the impetus behind the European Union's (EU) policies towards Russia since the end of the Cold War. It looks at how it has been twofold with institutional reform to promote democracy and economic aid to assist in the integration of the former communist countries into the global sphere.
Outline
The End of Empire?
EU/Russia Policies in the 1990s: Institutional Reform and Economic Aid
The EU, NATO and Russia
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)
EU Enlargement 2004 - New Borders, New Neighbours
Four Common Spaces
Kaliningrad and the Schengen Regime
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The impetus behind the EU's policies towards Russia since the end of the Cold War has been twofold: institutional reform to promote democracy and economic aid to assist in the integration of the former communist countries into the global sphere. Behind these policies there is fear: an apprehension regarding the mere size of the Eastern countries and the potential threat of a reawakening of Soviet economic and military might; a concern for the possible exodus of immigrants into the EU and the social and economic ramifications for the EU as a whole and individual member states near the borders; an unease at the possibility of an almost never-ending enlargement of the EU and the consequences for the existing community; and the unpleasant notion that without assistance, the former countries of the USSR will fail to develop into in a democratically and economically acceptable way - i.e. following the orthodox neo-liberal capitalist ideal of the West - and the possibility that this may lead to a more confrontational, antagonistic division once again. "
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U.S. Foreign Policy with Russia, 2004.
A brief analysis of America's foreign policy towards Russia.
1,354 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 45.95
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Abstract
This paper explains the foreign policy of the U.S. since the end of the Cold War with Russia. The paper looks at how Clinton and Yeltsin formed their relationship at the beginning and the attitudes taken by the U.S. government at the beginning in an effort to integrate Russia into the Western world. The paper then explores the cooperation between Russia and the U.S. in creating an undivided Europe.
From the Paper
"The U.S. original intention was that they would aid Russia in integrating itself into the Western-based international system. As believed, this integration would reap two positive effects. The international system would offer not only financial, but political and security resources as incentives to Russia for reform and transition towards a market and democratic government. In addition, United States could profit from this integration by being a considerable influence in their societal and economic interests. Russia?s national and security interests could be shaped in such a way that would form common interests with western countries."
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The Rise of Russia, 2006.
A discussion on the influences and inspirations of the rise of Russia.
1,261 words (approx. 5.0 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 42.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the impact of Western Europe on the social growth of Russia during the eighteenth century and its making of an empire. It explains the actions of Peter the Great, his expeditions and finally his extensive modifications within Russia. It continues to expand on Catherine the Great's modernization and further growth of Russia.
From the Paper
"Russia saw a number of changes in the eighteenth century under Peter the Great, many of which can be attributed to the influences of Europe. As it became stronger, the "church subordinated to the state, patriarche was formally abolished in 1721, church property was put under control of a government department and church theology taught obedience to the state. There was a new educational program to train soldiers, which included schools of navigation, mathematics, artillery, languages, medicine and engineering, the Academy of Sciences was established in 1724 and the first Russian newspaper was published in 1703."
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Russia and the Great Power Conflict, 2005.
Examines the possibility of war between Russia and the Western powers in the coming future.
4,664 words (approx. 18.7 pages), 35 sources, APA, $ 120.95
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Abstract
As the dragon awakens, the bear, it appears, hibernates. Recently, the flowering of the Red Chinese economy has turned the eyes of Western security wonks eastward. Disquieted by the possibility of a military force built on years of stunning growth rates, American policymakers have sounded increasing alarms about the regional territorial intentions of this new potential hegemony. Whether due to post-Soviet optimism, hyper-power arrogance, or simply inability to hold too many thoughts simultaneously, this paper shows that analysts have drifted away from concerns about Russia as a credible enemy. The paper argues that, despite the obvious decline in Russian military and economic power, it may remain a potential opponent to the West in coming years. In an attempt to understand this possibility, the paper frames Russia today, politically, economically, and militarily, in relation to a variety of contemporary theories on the causes of war. Employing these theories, the paper judges the factors that would seem to make Russia more or less prone to belligerence. Beyond a simple discussion of various hypotheses, the paper sketches some possible scenarios of conflict in the foreseeable future.
From the Paper
"So how does Russia fit into this equation? It is, at least nominally, in a transition from Communism to democracy. Reality though, as Churchill suggested, is opaque. Putin's state is far from liberal, but has maintained many inherent structural characteristics of a democracy. No serious party leader has articulated any political alternative to democracy, and democratic norms remain pervasive in society at large. The most commonly applied term for the Russian case is "managed democracy." What is worrying is that managed democracy is essentially a bargain. In exchange for promises of economic growth and stability, the masses surrender their rights to question the primacy of the regime."
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