| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "RUSSIA RELATIONS": |
|
|
U.S.-Russia Relations Since 1991, 1995. Discusses the changing relations, perceptions, motivations, policies and leadership since the end of the Cold War. 1,575 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 4 sources, $ 55.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
From the Paper "With the collapse of the Soviet Union, America's relationship with Russia and other post-communist countries has fallen into some disarray. For more than 40 years, the primary objective of U.S. foreign policy was the containment of the Soviet communist threat. With the abrupt end of that objective in 1991, the United States has found itself in the dark about how to relate with the successor states of the Soviet Union, including Russia, and what objectives to pursue in advancing American interests.
This research examines the traditional and new relationships the United States has forged with Russia, particularly since the end of the Cold War in 1991. Some attention will be given to the traditional Cold War relationship between the United States and Russia, but this study will ..."
| |
|
Russian - Japanese Relations, 1993. History of foreign and military relations between Japan and the Soviet Union since World War II, examining additional material on relations between the nations since the Soviet collapse and the rise of the new Russia. 2,700 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 3 sources, $ 95.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
From the Paper "INTRODUCTION
Relations between Japan and the Soviet Union have been much affected by the strategic position of Japan. It is relatively near the Atlantic coast of the old Soviet Union and current Russia. Japanese foreign policy has been conducted in terms of the geography of the country, with the four main islands of Japan standing off the coast of East Asia, near the peninsula of Korea, and surrounded by other islands, including the currently disputed Sakhalin and Kurile Islands to the north. Relations have shifted over the years, and Japan has drawn closer to the rest of the world as technology has improved:
The power of Russia, China, and the United States and the policies of these countries toward Japan have changed dramatically during the past fifty years. But ..."
| |
|
Ukrainian-Russian Relations, 2007. This paper uses Ukraine as a case study to examine Russia's attempt at regional domination. 5,946 words (approx. 23.8 pages), 11 sources, MLA, $ 141.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract The paper relates that while Ukraine retains its autonomy, it has not been able to free itself from the power and influence of its former ruler. This paper examines the importance of Ukraine for Russia in its attempt to gain regional dominance, the various methods Russia has used and continues to use to impose its will on its former republic and bring the country firmly under its control, the possible options for Kiev to begin to lessen its dependence on Russia and finally, what the future of Ukraine-Russian relations is likely to hold. The paper includes MLA style footnotes but does not append a bibliography.
Outline:
The Economic and Strategic Importance of Ukraine for Russia
Moscow's Policies and Methods for Influencing Ukraine and Controlling the Region
Ukraine's Possibilities for Decreasing Russian Influence
The Future of Ukrainian-Russian Relations
From the Paper "A defining moment in the history of Ukraine is that of the Pereyaslav agreement of 1654, in which the Cossack Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky swore allegiance to the Tsar of Muscovy. Thus began more than three centuries of Russian rule, which finally ended with the fall of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the official Russian recognition of Ukrainian sovereignty. The transition period following the collapse however, has been neither smooth nor easy, and since 1991, Ukraine and Russia have been engaged in a continuous conflict over a wide range of economic, political and security issues. Importantly, while Ukraine retains its autonomy, it has not been able to free itself from the power and influence of its former ruler. This paper will examine the importance of Ukraine for Russia in its attempt to gain regional dominance, the various methods Russia has used and continues to use to impose its will on its former republic and bring the country firmly under its control, the possible options for Kyiv to begin to lessen its dependence on Russia, and finally, what the future of Ukraine-Russian relations is likely to hold."
| |
|
U.S.-Russian Relations, 2006. This paper addresses U.S.-Russian relations and their importance for US security and global interests. 8,926 words (approx. 35.7 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 186.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines the significance and implications of Moscow's current foreign policy for future American interests. The paper explores what strategy Washington should pursue towards Moscow, with a focus on Russia's attempt at regional dominance, the need for full Russian membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the necessity of domestic change within the country.
From the Paper "On Christmas day, 1991, the Cold War ended and an empire ceased to exist. The dramatic changes that have taken place in the former Soviet Union since the collapse of communism and the disintegration of the USSR have created a new geopolitical reality not only within the former communist bloc, but a new international environment and a new set of international relations. Now fifteen years after the collapse, the center of the former Soviet Union, Russia, is continuing to grow in strength and influence, reemerging as an important player not only regionally but internationally. With President Vladimir Putin at the helm, Russia is currently at a key stage in redefining itself as a nation, and the policy decisions it makes in the near future along with how it defines itself globally, will largely determine the future direction of the country for decades to come. Russia's policy decisions will which consequently have serious global affects for United States' global security."
| |
|
Expansion of NATO, 2003. Discusses NATO-Russia relations since 1991. 1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 21 sources, $ 63.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract Discusses NATO-Russia relations since 1991, the Soviet Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organizations nations prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union, the issue of NATO expansion to the east, and NATO as a politically-oriented interest regime.
From the Paper "For 45 years, an undeclared state of war existed between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) nations and the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, an ..."
| |
|
The United States and Russia, 2002. Examines the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. 19,500 words (approx. 78.0 pages), 89 sources, APA, $ 249.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper describes in detail American relations with Russia in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, focusing on the "Gorbachev years" as the first stage of a multi-pronged analysis of an evolutionary American foreign policy. It provides some insight into how the Russian political situation has effected and may continue to effect the future of the relationship. It focuses primarily upon Russia itself and not upon American relations with the other fourteen states that have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union. As needed, however, and where the relationships with such states as Ukraine or Lithuania overlap with American involvement with Russia itself, these issues are addressed.
The first of the three sections of the paper demonstrates that while it may be true that some opportunities for a profitable mutual involvement have, in fact, been missed due to U.S. inaction or indecision or uncertainty, enormous opportunities remain available. The report draws upon literature to indicate how U.S. initiatives have been undertaken, their effects and the Russian response. A background analysis of the relationships of the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War and America's own position as a hegemon are provided. The second section of the paper deals with the Yeltsin years and the final section with the current state of the United States/Russian relationship.
Subtitles:
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
Introduction
Background of the Relationship
The Collapse of the Soviet Union
The Yeltsin Regime
Overview
The Russian Situation Under Yeltsin
The Economic Issue
The Yeltsin Collapse Begins
Effects of Regionalism
Critical U.S. Policy Initiatives
The Current State of Affairs
The End of the Yeltsin Era
Putin
Future Directions of U.S. Policy
From the Paper "Nevertheless, the world in the absence of the Soviet Union is not a world fully at peace. The Middle East and portions of Africa remained troubled and potentially explosive, requiring an American military and security response, perhaps via the continued U.S. participation in multilateral peacekeeping and other military activities of the United Nations. Containment, as a policy doctrine, remains critical in certain of these cases such as that presented by the Middle East. A long-term American policy of supporting those governments and/or movements most likely to in turn be supportive of democratic systems should be continued, regardless of the political orientation of the President and the Congress (Kennedy, 1987)."
| |
|
The European Union and Russia, 2004. A dissertation that examines the European Union's security policy towards Russia. 15,700 words (approx. 62.8 pages), 88 sources, MLA, $ 249.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This dissertation is divided into five chapters. Chapter One introduces the nature of the central issue: EU security policy towards Russia during the period 1992-2004 in the context of the European security issues during those years. It is symptomatic of the dynamics of this changing context that much of the existing literature tends to examine this issue not from the point of view of the EU, but rather via the prism of NATO-Russia relations. As a result, it will be one of the contentions of the present study that there is a ?literature gap? in the existing work on this area that, itself, perhaps reflects the Cold War biases, conscious and unconscious, that continue to influence academic studies in this field. Chapter Two analyzes the relevant theoretical approaches and seeks to establish a theoretical paradigm for use in this study. Two influential approaches to the study of international security relationships are examined: neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Each of these theoretical approaches has recently undergone sustained criticism and redevelopment, and this chapter considers this process and its significance for studies, such as the present analysis. Finally, this chapter identifies the fundamental theoretical approach for this study to be liberal intergovernmentalism, deployed within a methodology of quantitative and qualitative research. Chapter Three consists of a review of related literature, subjected to comparative analysis and categorized on the basis of qualitative and quantitative sources. This chapter explores further the issue of the ?literature gap? in existing studies, identifying areas in which this dissertation seeks to extend and innovate approaches to the issue under study. Chapter Four is devoted to an analysis of relevant data and its relationship to the theoretical model established in Chapter Two. Chapter Five returns to the research questions and seeks to answer them on the basis of the analytical, theoretical, and comparative work outlined in the preceding chapters. The final section of the dissertation is a conclusion in which the findings of the study are summarized and their relationship to the theoretical models used considered. This also provides a basis for the validity of the theoretical model used to be assessed and for possible avenues of further research to be outlined.
Outline
Introduction
The Problem
The Theoretical Approach
Literature Review
Analysis
Answering the Research Questions
From the Paper "The political and economic uncertainty in Russia during 1998-99, not surprisingly, had a deleterious effect on the implementation of the planned work programme and there was some disappointment on the EU side that more progress had not been made. At the second meeting of the Cooperation Council in May 1999 the official communiqu? was much more positive. In general, the PCA has had a major impact on the frequency and breadth of official contacts between the EU and Russia, and laid the basis for more effective cooperation on a wide range of policy areas."
| |
|
Civil Society and NGOs in Russia, 2004. A discussion on how non-governmental organisations represent the essence of civil society in Russia. 17,787 words (approx. 71.1 pages), 44 sources, MLA, $ 249.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper aims to assess the concept of civil society through the system of public organisations which are believed to be the essence of civil society. It provides a short overview of existing theoretical trends in terms of relation of civil society with state and economy. It also looks at the theoretical school that presents civil society as a sphere of social interactions between the state and economy and how it is found to be the most acute and reflecting the true relations between society structures.
Outline
Content
Abstract
Introduction
Part I. Theoretical Background
A Historical Overview of the Concept of Civil Society
The Reasons For Civil Society?s Existence
The Middle Class in Russia
Economic Conditions
Private Interests
Part II. From Civil Society to NGOs
Civil Society is Vital for a Sustainable Democracy?
Society Structure
The Essence of the Third Sector. Main Definitions
Distinctive Features of the Third Sector in Russia
Classifications of the Third Sector Organisations
Ngo Reality In Russia
Empirical Studies of the Third Sector
General Representation and Possible Tendencies
Conclusions
Bibliography
From the Paper "Since the beginning of the transformation in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, as well as in the former USSR, the new wave of attention arose in regards to the issue of civil society, its necessity for the building democracies and making society and the regime stronger. Today, an endless number of books are devoted to the problem of the concept of civil society, its history, the way it influences the democratic transformations and making democracies sustainable. Also attempts to define the term and find a proper and perfect place for it in the society system are made. In this paper, I will not try to write another textbook or go into deep criticism of selected works on civil society. Only a brief overview of the theories is necessary to present as a background, or the first ?basement? level of the work."
| |
|
Organized Crime in Russia, 2004. This paper discusses the problems, in terms of crime, that have and are still facing Russia, the operation of organized crime in Russia, and the way it has molded the people and society of Russia. 5,185 words (approx. 20.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 129.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper relates that the Number One problem the post-Soviet society is facing today is not a new problem, but one that was dormant and concealed: organized crime. The author points out that, by the time of the fall of the Communist regime, the largest source of capital and wealth inside the Soviet Union was in the black market, with capital owned, manipulated, and governed by the Communist Party. The paper states that one of the ways this criminal environment can be remedied is by pressure on Russia and incentives from the international community to start to solve this problem.
From the Paper "The new organized criminals differ in character from the criminals of the traditional syndicate due to the fact that the new organized criminals are more like a jack-of-all-trades. They are characters with many masks. These new criminals have many acquaintances with the old black market world, the old criminal world. They are acquainted with the official world of politics as well as the old structure of the communist party. These new types of criminal are the people that are now classified as the Mafia."
| |
|
Russia and the Great Power Conflict, 2005. Examines the possibility of war between Russia and the Western powers in the coming future. 4,664 words (approx. 18.7 pages), 35 sources, APA, $ 120.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract As the dragon awakens, the bear, it appears, hibernates. Recently, the flowering of the Red Chinese economy has turned the eyes of Western security wonks eastward. Disquieted by the possibility of a military force built on years of stunning growth rates, American policymakers have sounded increasing alarms about the regional territorial intentions of this new potential hegemony. Whether due to post-Soviet optimism, hyper-power arrogance, or simply inability to hold too many thoughts simultaneously, this paper shows that analysts have drifted away from concerns about Russia as a credible enemy. The paper argues that, despite the obvious decline in Russian military and economic power, it may remain a potential opponent to the West in coming years. In an attempt to understand this possibility, the paper frames Russia today, politically, economically, and militarily, in relation to a variety of contemporary theories on the causes of war. Employing these theories, the paper judges the factors that would seem to make Russia more or less prone to belligerence. Beyond a simple discussion of various hypotheses, the paper sketches some possible scenarios of conflict in the foreseeable future.
From the Paper "So how does Russia fit into this equation? It is, at least nominally, in a transition from Communism to democracy. Reality though, as Churchill suggested, is opaque. Putin's state is far from liberal, but has maintained many inherent structural characteristics of a democracy. No serious party leader has articulated any political alternative to democracy, and democratic norms remain pervasive in society at large. The most commonly applied term for the Russian case is "managed democracy." What is worrying is that managed democracy is essentially a bargain. In exchange for promises of economic growth and stability, the masses surrender their rights to question the primacy of the regime."
| |
|
Economic Reform in Russia and Organized Crime, 2006. A look at the problem of organized crime in Russia and how economic reform in Russia is partly responsible for the problem. 2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 9 sources, $ 89.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper presents a discussion of economic reform in post-Soviet Russia and the prevalence and impact or organized crime that has continued to grow with the market economy there. Billions of dollars have left the former USSR; criminals have infiltrated most institutions and control approximately half of the national economy.
From the Paper "Organized crime thrives in particular environments, as in post-Soviet Russia's capitalist economy of administrative ineffectiveness and inefficiency. For example, Russian businesses have required operation licenses from the state, as opposed to just registration, as in Western Europe. Bottlenecks have promoted bribery with officials refusing to process licenses, on demand, in danger. In much greater ways, full-fledged crime involves a large sector of the Russian economy, and its capital. A weaker central government and adjustment to a market economy promote increased criminal activity. One sees remarks on Soviet conditions having made a Russian culture of 'cheating' as the only way to advance, or obtain housing, goods."
| |
|
Russia and America, 2002. A review of America's policy on foreign aid and programs of assistance to Russia since the collapse of the Communist regime. 7,424 words (approx. 29.7 pages), 29 sources, MLA, $ 163.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines the use of and shifts in American foreign assistance policy to Russia and how those shifts and uses have impacted upon the former Soviet Union, or Russia herself. The paper addresses the following questions: 1.What has been the effect of American foreign aid to Russia since the collapse in 1989? 2.What are the specific efforts or programs initiated by the United States to provide assistance to Russia? 3. What are the functional powers that allow for such aid? 4. How does American foreign aid to Russia since 1989 reflect or deviate from past examples of American bilateral assistance? The paper offers a brief overview of the key transformations taking place in the former Soviet Union over the past 11-plus years. The paper argues that American foreign assistance to Russia has not succeeded in bolstering the country's emergent democratic institutions to the degree anticipated, largely as a consequence of internal Russian corruption and ineptitude and of America's failure to properly assess the Russian situation.
From the Paper "Any nation, including the United States, requires the ability to deal with its international environment in a flexible and effective manner. In practice, this often necessitates assuming the position of global peacekeeper or "policeman," as the U.S. has done in the cases of Grenada, Haiti, Panama, Bosnia, and Somalia (Nincic, 1988). Nincic (1988) notes that policy-making in a democracy must have three principal attributes: 1) it must be based upon the policy preferences of the public; 2) the powers of a democracy's managers must be constrained; and 3) policy must not violate rights and liberties."
| |
|
Russia and the WTO, 2006. An analysis of several factors that have contributed to Russia's current interest in joining the World Trade Organization (WTO). 1,080 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 37.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper discusses Russia's relationship with the World Trade Organization (WTO). It looks at some of the major political and economic implications after accession and the potential effect of this process on the future.
Outline
The World Trade Organization
Russia's Path to the World Trade Organization
Major Political and Economic Implications for Russia
Russia's WTO Accession and Georgia
From the Paper "According to the accession rules, to become a WTO member at least two-third of member countries should give their approval. However Georgia has important leverage with which to block Russia's entry. For membership, the applicant country should reach bilateral agreements with those countries with which the applicant has some trade and/or political disputes. The findings of these negotiations are then presented to the General Council of the WTO and if the Council approves the results, the accession process will continue. Evidently, if Russia does not meet all of the requirements, then the general council will not refer to the findings as the country's entry will be automatically blocked. "
| |
|
Russia and Europe, 2005. This paper discusses that Russia will never become an integral part of Europe. 1,810 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 58.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper explains that, after the collapse of the once all-powerful communist system in the Soviet Union in 1991, the natural progression seemed to be the prompt absorption of Russia into Europe; however, despite Russia's attempt to adopt a central government, the enlargement of negotiations with the European Union and the fact that most Russians want this integration, it hasn't happened. The author points out that geography is a major reason because (1) Russia, the world's largest country and more than twice the size of the entire continent of Europe, is seen by the European countries to be overpowering and (2) the border countries of eastern Europe--Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Poland-are now strongly anti-communist. The paper contends that the most important reason that this merger has not yet happened is because of (1) the difference in normative values, including psychological characteristics, behavioral patterns and cultural orientations, and of (2) Europe's remaining conception of Russia as an intimidating military "superpower".
From the Paper "The security issue is two-fold, as well. In fact, there is a growing apprehension in Russia that Europe may come to dominate Russia economically, and may exclude it from the life of Europe and deny Russia access to Eastern Europe and former parts of the USSR, and that a new "encirclement of the Motherland" may start forming. These worries are not limited to the extremist camp and are spreading through the entire establishment of the Russian Federation. Many believe that this will lead to a new division of the continent, which is dangerous to peace and Russian development."
| |
|
Russia and the U.S., 2002. A look at the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. 36,352 words (approx. 145.4 pages), 118 sources, MLA, $ 249.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines how, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States has struggled to develop and to articulate a comprehensive and coherent foreign policy toward the fifteen states that have taken its place. It analyzes the relationships between the different presidents of both countries, as well as their different policies, and attempts to identify some of the foreign policy initiatives and strategies that the United States should consider adopting towards Russia over the course of the next few years.
Outline
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
The Yeltsin Regime
The Current State of Affairs
Struggles of the "New" Russia
Russia and the U.S.: Future Policy Directions and Implications
From the Paper "Both the United States and the Soviet Union must share the responsibility for the start and continuation of the Cold War in the period between 1945 and 1963. During World War II, the U.S. and the Soviets were allies committed to the defeat of mutual enemies - Japan and Germany. At the end of World War II, as the Allies struggled to reconfigure the European polity and establish a new order in the East, the interests of the Soviet Union and the United States came into direct collision. For western leaders and their diplomats, World War II had a successful but hardly "neat" ending; too many questions were left unanswered, such as the future of Poland and Germany, which had been opened at Yalta and Potsdam but left unresolved (Kennedy, 1987; Keohane, 1984)."
|
|
|