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Russia and The European Union, 2006.
This paper examines the various reasons why Russia is still not a member of the European Union.
1,274 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 43.95
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Abstract
This paper focuses on the evident rise of Russian nationalism, which is a result of the domestic media and various political players who want to keep Russia isolated from western influences. This is only one of the reasons Russia has not yet joined the European Union (EU). The writer of this paper analyzes the Russian government's displeasure with the EU due to the addition of several countries from the former Soviet bloc, including: Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Slovakia and Slovenia, which resulted in Russia abstaining from joining the EU. This paper also discusses the EU's dissatisfaction with Russia's handling of their ongoing conflict with breakaway Chechnya as well as Russia's federal control which signals a departure from democratic decision-making.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Why Did the Russian Government Decide Not to Join? (Reasons & Primary Sources)
Domestic Debate: Press, Positions by Major Political Actors, Parties, Interest Groups and Prominent Opinion Makers
Conclusion
Bibliography
From the Paper
"A recent survey conducted by the Russian Center for National Problems and Reforms yielded an insight into Russian domestic ideology as it pertains to the west. Twenty-two percent believed that Russia is a superpower and that any problems should be solved independent of the west. Twelve percent believed that closer ties to the west are imperative is necessary if there is to be economic reform. Eighteen percent want to return to socialism as existed during Lenin's regime. Fifteen percent are centrists and pragmatists who believe that Russia should foster relationships with the west and with middle eastern and Asian neighbors when it suites the country's needs. A look at these domestic statistics reveals that the liberal democrats are losing ground, and the Radical Conservative/Nationalist political position is taking greater hold even over more moderate positions."
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The European Union and Russia, 2004.
A dissertation that examines the European Union's security policy towards Russia.
15,700 words (approx. 62.8 pages), 88 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This dissertation is divided into five chapters. Chapter One introduces the nature of the central issue: EU security policy towards Russia during the period 1992-2004 in the context of the European security issues during those years. It is symptomatic of the dynamics of this changing context that much of the existing literature tends to examine this issue not from the point of view of the EU, but rather via the prism of NATO-Russia relations. As a result, it will be one of the contentions of the present study that there is a ?literature gap? in the existing work on this area that, itself, perhaps reflects the Cold War biases, conscious and unconscious, that continue to influence academic studies in this field. Chapter Two analyzes the relevant theoretical approaches and seeks to establish a theoretical paradigm for use in this study. Two influential approaches to the study of international security relationships are examined: neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Each of these theoretical approaches has recently undergone sustained criticism and redevelopment, and this chapter considers this process and its significance for studies, such as the present analysis. Finally, this chapter identifies the fundamental theoretical approach for this study to be liberal intergovernmentalism, deployed within a methodology of quantitative and qualitative research. Chapter Three consists of a review of related literature, subjected to comparative analysis and categorized on the basis of qualitative and quantitative sources. This chapter explores further the issue of the ?literature gap? in existing studies, identifying areas in which this dissertation seeks to extend and innovate approaches to the issue under study. Chapter Four is devoted to an analysis of relevant data and its relationship to the theoretical model established in Chapter Two. Chapter Five returns to the research questions and seeks to answer them on the basis of the analytical, theoretical, and comparative work outlined in the preceding chapters. The final section of the dissertation is a conclusion in which the findings of the study are summarized and their relationship to the theoretical models used considered. This also provides a basis for the validity of the theoretical model used to be assessed and for possible avenues of further research to be outlined.
Outline
Introduction
The Problem
The Theoretical Approach
Literature Review
Analysis
Answering the Research Questions
From the Paper
"The political and economic uncertainty in Russia during 1998-99, not surprisingly, had a deleterious effect on the implementation of the planned work programme and there was some disappointment on the EU side that more progress had not been made. At the second meeting of the Cooperation Council in May 1999 the official communiqu? was much more positive. In general, the PCA has had a major impact on the frequency and breadth of official contacts between the EU and Russia, and laid the basis for more effective cooperation on a wide range of policy areas."
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Former Soviet Satellites and the European Union, 2002.
This paper discusses the possibility that Hungary, Belarus and Ukraine might join the European Union.
3,570 words (approx. 14.3 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 99.95
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Abstract
This paper states that each country---Hungary, Belarus and Ukraine--- has a long history of special internal concerns, foreign relations goals, and socio-political aims that make joining the European Union a difficult decision. The author feels that Hungary, which is more like the West, is more likely to join the EU. The paper contends that Belarus and Ukraine, whose economies and societies are intertwined with Russia, more likely will turn towards Russia. Several long quotations. End notes.
From the Paper
"Diplomatic relations were opened between Hungary and the European West in August 1988. This was followed by the Europe Agreement which was signed on December 16, 1991. This gave Hungary the status of an associated state within the European Union. As a result, there began a steady flow of Western funds into the Hungarian economy. Hungary was one of the first beneficiaries of the European Union?s new PHARE program, a program specifically designed to render financial assistance to countries seeking admission into the European Union. Since 1990, Hungary has received more than ?1 billion under this program. Importantly, these funds do not have to be repaid, and have contributed successfully to the reinvigoration of Hungary?s infrastructure: economic development and restructuring, environmental investments, research and development, public administration, human resources development, and various other tasks deems necessary to prepare estate for membership in the European Union. Furthermore, Hungary also benefits from two additional programs, the Instrument for Structural Policies for Pre-Accession, and the Special Accession Program for Agriculture and Rural Development. Under these programs, Hungary expects to receive nearly ?140 million each year over the course of the next few years. This cooperation with the West has been an extremely positive experience for Hungary."
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Profitability in Unionized and Non-Union Companies, 2005.
A look at the impact that a union has on a firm's profit and investment.
893 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 31.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews and summarizes studies that looked at whether unionized companies were less or more profitable than non-union firms and whether there was less new investment in unionized firms as compared to non-unionized ones. After reviewing the literature, the paper concludes that, while unions generally transfer payment from shareholders to employees, there is a downside to unionization; it may inhibit the very investment needed to run the company.
From the Paper
"As long ago as 1994, researchers were interested in ascertaining whether unionized companies were less or more profitable than nonunion firms, and whether there was less new investment in unionized firms as compared to nonunionized ones. Morgan investigated shareholder risk and rates of return in both sorts of companies during the period 1973-1987. Morgan?s work cited earlier work of Becker and Olson (1989) in which they provided an analysis of differences in shareholder risk and returns in union and nonunion companies, finding that shareholders in more highly unionized companies realized lower rates of return than did shareholders in the nonunion companies. Becker and Olson had further suggested that lower shareholder returns during the 1970s had led management to attempt to limit the extent of unionization during the 1980s in a move to reverse that trend. (Morgan, 1994, unpaged)"
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Case Study: Non European Union (EU) or European Union, 2008.
Discusses the European Union (EU) and its individual markets as a potential target market for entry by a foreign enterprise as well as a non-member market.
1,785 words (approx. 7.1 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 57.95
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Abstract
This analysis examines the characteristics of two specific target countries for potential market entry by a foreign enterprise. The two countries examined are a non-EU member country which is Indonesia and an EU member state which is Spain. Additionally, the benefits and disadvantages of such countries vis-a-vis individual company acquisitions or joint venture targets are discussed.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Country Analysis
Overview
Target Country One--Indonesia
Cultural
Trading Blocs and Related Data
Major Currencies
Fund Repatriation and Exchange Rate Risks
Target Country Two--Spain
Cultural
Trading Blocs and Related Data
Major Currencies
Fund Repatriation and Exchange Rate Risks
European Union Membership Versus
Non-Membership
The EU Market Environment
Non-EU Market Disadvantages
Business and Commerce in EU Markets
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The most important regional trading blocs related to this project are ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations). Indonesia reported a trade surplus with Japan of $9,018m, $5,096m with the United States, and $1,958m with China as recently as 2000 which indicative a strong export economy (Indonesia, 2006). These and its other total exports formed the equivalent of $57.4b worth of exports in 2001. Its current account stands at $6,899m and balance on goods of $22,695 while its balance on services totals a deficit of -$10,380m . Regional barriers to trade are minimal."
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Russia and Europe, 2005.
This paper discusses that Russia will never become an integral part of Europe.
1,810 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, after the collapse of the once all-powerful communist system in the Soviet Union in 1991, the natural progression seemed to be the prompt absorption of Russia into Europe; however, despite Russia's attempt to adopt a central government, the enlargement of negotiations with the European Union and the fact that most Russians want this integration, it hasn't happened. The author points out that geography is a major reason because (1) Russia, the world's largest country and more than twice the size of the entire continent of Europe, is seen by the European countries to be overpowering and (2) the border countries of eastern Europe--Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Poland-are now strongly anti-communist. The paper contends that the most important reason that this merger has not yet happened is because of (1) the difference in normative values, including psychological characteristics, behavioral patterns and cultural orientations, and of (2) Europe's remaining conception of Russia as an intimidating military "superpower".
From the Paper
"The security issue is two-fold, as well. In fact, there is a growing apprehension in Russia that Europe may come to dominate Russia economically, and may exclude it from the life of Europe and deny Russia access to Eastern Europe and former parts of the USSR, and that a new "encirclement of the Motherland" may start forming. These worries are not limited to the extremist camp and are spreading through the entire establishment of the Russian Federation. Many believe that this will lead to a new division of the continent, which is dangerous to peace and Russian development."
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The EU and Russia, 2005.
A critical evaluation of the European Union's policy towards Russia since the end of the Cold War.
5,074 words (approx. 20.3 pages), 33 sources, MLA, $ 127.95
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Abstract
This paper deals with the impetus behind the European Union's (EU) policies towards Russia since the end of the Cold War. It looks at how it has been twofold with institutional reform to promote democracy and economic aid to assist in the integration of the former communist countries into the global sphere.
Outline
The End of Empire?
EU/Russia Policies in the 1990s: Institutional Reform and Economic Aid
The EU, NATO and Russia
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)
EU Enlargement 2004 - New Borders, New Neighbours
Four Common Spaces
Kaliningrad and the Schengen Regime
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The impetus behind the EU's policies towards Russia since the end of the Cold War has been twofold: institutional reform to promote democracy and economic aid to assist in the integration of the former communist countries into the global sphere. Behind these policies there is fear: an apprehension regarding the mere size of the Eastern countries and the potential threat of a reawakening of Soviet economic and military might; a concern for the possible exodus of immigrants into the EU and the social and economic ramifications for the EU as a whole and individual member states near the borders; an unease at the possibility of an almost never-ending enlargement of the EU and the consequences for the existing community; and the unpleasant notion that without assistance, the former countries of the USSR will fail to develop into in a democratically and economically acceptable way - i.e. following the orthodox neo-liberal capitalist ideal of the West - and the possibility that this may lead to a more confrontational, antagonistic division once again. "
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European Integration in a Continental and Global Context, 2002.
A discussion on the concept of Europe in the context of historical events, mutual benefits to the member states, challenges of integration and the promise of a prominent place in the global political and economic arena.
2,870 words (approx. 11.5 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 85.95
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Abstract
The following paper discusses the growing awareness among Europeans that only a unified Europe can successfully meet the challenges of the future. The writer argues that only a strong global community, consisting of the European Union, the United States, Russia, China and other major powers of the world, committed to a global goal of growing prosperity, will be able to build a more peaceful future for all mankind.
From the Paper
?For more than half a century the western, integrated part of Europe has lived in peace and freedom and has, along with North America and Japan, formed one of the three most prosperous areas of the world. Just over the past 10 years, construction of a political union among EU member states has made considerable progress and closer cooperation has been established over a whole array of policies ? from economic and social to security and defense. In 1952 six countries came together out of the rubble of World War II to pool their basic production in the European Coal and Steel Community. The goal then, as now, was to bind Europe so tightly together that another war \"becomes not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible,\" as founding father Robert Schuman put it.?
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Lithuania, 2005.
This paper discusses the geography and political history of Lithuania, which changed from being a part of the Soviet Union to being a member of the European Union and NATO.
2,015 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, because of its geographical position between East and West, Lithuania has been destroyed many times by being caught between the Swedes, the French, and the Germans on the one side, and the Russians on the other side. The author points out that, in the 1990s, Lithuania went through a dynamic transition from a centralized economy into a market-driven economy. The goal was to orient the economy towards trade with Western Europe and North America. The paper relates that, in relations with Western Europe and the United States, Lithuania has two main objectives: economic cooperation and attracting Western capital and security guarantees against any threat from Russia.
Table of Contents
Geopolitical Position
General Statistics
Political Culture
Political System
Domestic Policy
Economy
Foreign Relations
From the Paper
"Lithuania is an independent republic. It is a multi-party, parliamentary democracy. The president, who is the head of the state, is elected directly for 5 years. He is also commander in chief overseeing foreign and security policy. The president nominates the prime minister and his cabinet and a number of other top civil servants. The Lithuanian parliament (Seimas) has 141 members that are elected for a 4-year term. 71 of the members are elected in single constituencies, and the other half (70) are elected in the nationwide vote by party lists. To be represented in the Seimas a party must receive at least 5% of the national vote."
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The United States and Russia, 2002.
Examines the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
19,500 words (approx. 78.0 pages), 89 sources, APA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper describes in detail American relations with Russia in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, focusing on the "Gorbachev years" as the first stage of a multi-pronged analysis of an evolutionary American foreign policy. It provides some insight into how the Russian political situation has effected and may continue to effect the future of the relationship. It focuses primarily upon Russia itself and not upon American relations with the other fourteen states that have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union. As needed, however, and where the relationships with such states as Ukraine or Lithuania overlap with American involvement with Russia itself, these issues are addressed.
The first of the three sections of the paper demonstrates that while it may be true that some opportunities for a profitable mutual involvement have, in fact, been missed due to U.S. inaction or indecision or uncertainty, enormous opportunities remain available. The report draws upon literature to indicate how U.S. initiatives have been undertaken, their effects and the Russian response. A background analysis of the relationships of the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War and America's own position as a hegemon are provided. The second section of the paper deals with the Yeltsin years and the final section with the current state of the United States/Russian relationship.
Subtitles:
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
Introduction
Background of the Relationship
The Collapse of the Soviet Union
The Yeltsin Regime
Overview
The Russian Situation Under Yeltsin
The Economic Issue
The Yeltsin Collapse Begins
Effects of Regionalism
Critical U.S. Policy Initiatives
The Current State of Affairs
The End of the Yeltsin Era
Putin
Future Directions of U.S. Policy
From the Paper
"Nevertheless, the world in the absence of the Soviet Union is not a world fully at peace. The Middle East and portions of Africa remained troubled and potentially explosive, requiring an American military and security response, perhaps via the continued U.S. participation in multilateral peacekeeping and other military activities of the United Nations. Containment, as a policy doctrine, remains critical in certain of these cases such as that presented by the Middle East. A long-term American policy of supporting those governments and/or movements most likely to in turn be supportive of democratic systems should be continued, regardless of the political orientation of the President and the Congress (Kennedy, 1987)."
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Managing in Union Environment, 1999.
Functions of a union & its advantages for workers. Looking at managing in union & non-union workplaces, alternative internal & external dispute resolutions, ergonomic inspections and labor law.
3,375 words (approx. 13.5 pages), 16 sources, $ 119.95
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From the Paper
"MANAGING IN A UNION ENVIRONMENT
Introduction
This research examines the issue of managing in a union environment. The findings of this examination are presented in discussions of (1) the role of a labor union, (2) managing in a union versus a non-union environment, (3) applicable laws, and the role of human resources management in a union environment.
Role of A Labor Union
While the impact on the process of determining wage levels remains an important factor with respect to labor union activity, it may no longer be the central factor with respect to these organizations. Further, the ability of labor unions to affect the wage determination process will not be the only factor that ultimately determines whether or not organized labor will continue to.."
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Russia and the U.S., 2002.
A look at the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
36,352 words (approx. 145.4 pages), 118 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States has struggled to develop and to articulate a comprehensive and coherent foreign policy toward the fifteen states that have taken its place. It analyzes the relationships between the different presidents of both countries, as well as their different policies, and attempts to identify some of the foreign policy initiatives and strategies that the United States should consider adopting towards Russia over the course of the next few years.
Outline
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
The Yeltsin Regime
The Current State of Affairs
Struggles of the "New" Russia
Russia and the U.S.: Future Policy Directions and Implications
From the Paper
"Both the United States and the Soviet Union must share the responsibility for the start and continuation of the Cold War in the period between 1945 and 1963. During World War II, the U.S. and the Soviets were allies committed to the defeat of mutual enemies - Japan and Germany. At the end of World War II, as the Allies struggled to reconfigure the European polity and establish a new order in the East, the interests of the Soviet Union and the United States came into direct collision. For western leaders and their diplomats, World War II had a successful but hardly "neat" ending; too many questions were left unanswered, such as the future of Poland and Germany, which had been opened at Yalta and Potsdam but left unresolved (Kennedy, 1987; Keohane, 1984)."
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New Russia, 2005.
This paper discusses the complexities of building the new Russia from the ruins of the Soviet Union.
2,700 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 8 sources, $ 106.95
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Abstract
This essay examines the processes by which Putin and contemporary Russian leaders are attempting to forge a new relationship between the nationalities of the former Soviet Union. The paper begins with a brief background on the complexity of the nationality question in the former Soviet Union and discusses the processes that led to the collapse of the Soviet state. The paper then moves to a more detailed analysis of centre periphery relations in the new Russia.
From the Paper
"The collapse of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s transformed political, social and economic relations across a large portion of the Eurasian land mass. In this process, a massive multi-ethnic state dissolved into a range of successor states - based more or less on a variety of regional ethnic and/or national identities - as the ideological bonds of communism and the exercise of raw military power proved insufficient to deal with the centrifugal forces that began to tear the fabric of the Soviet state apart."
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Labor Unions, 2005.
A look at the history of labor unions and the advantages of hiring unionized workers today.
2,231 words (approx. 8.9 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 69.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how during the nineteenth century, labor organizations focused on ways to strengthen and secure themselves. In contrast, it looks at how today, labor unions are faced with a much different world and how due to the changing environment, companies are realizing a larger economy of scale by becoming part of the global economy. It discusses the role of the labor union as well as the advantages and disadvantages of hiring unionized workers.
Outline
Introduction
Labor Unions of the Past
Labor Unions of Today
What Does a Union Do?
Reasons for Joining a Union
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The first concern of a labor union is getting members, organizing the unorganized. Every national union carries on organizing activities through a staff of professional organizers. These days the organizers are likely to be well-educated, sophisticated individuals, with a college degree. Although their carefully planned organizing efforts will be aided by rank and file members, union organizers must have the same knowledge of human motivation and skill in communications techniques as any vice-president of marketing. Organizers in a sense are marketing people, marketing the concept of union membership. Companies vulnerable to unionization often have consultants on retainer or experts on staff to forestall or defeat attempts to organize them."
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Russia and America, 2002.
A review of America's policy on foreign aid and programs of assistance to Russia since the collapse of the Communist regime.
7,424 words (approx. 29.7 pages), 29 sources, MLA, $ 163.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the use of and shifts in American foreign assistance policy to Russia and how those shifts and uses have impacted upon the former Soviet Union, or Russia herself. The paper addresses the following questions: 1.What has been the effect of American foreign aid to Russia since the collapse in 1989? 2.What are the specific efforts or programs initiated by the United States to provide assistance to Russia? 3. What are the functional powers that allow for such aid? 4. How does American foreign aid to Russia since 1989 reflect or deviate from past examples of American bilateral assistance? The paper offers a brief overview of the key transformations taking place in the former Soviet Union over the past 11-plus years. The paper argues that American foreign assistance to Russia has not succeeded in bolstering the country's emergent democratic institutions to the degree anticipated, largely as a consequence of internal Russian corruption and ineptitude and of America's failure to properly assess the Russian situation.
From the Paper
"Any nation, including the United States, requires the ability to deal with its international environment in a flexible and effective manner. In practice, this often necessitates assuming the position of global peacekeeper or "policeman," as the U.S. has done in the cases of Grenada, Haiti, Panama, Bosnia, and Somalia (Nincic, 1988). Nincic (1988) notes that policy-making in a democracy must have three principal attributes: 1) it must be based upon the policy preferences of the public; 2) the powers of a democracy's managers must be constrained; and 3) policy must not violate rights and liberties."
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