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Post-Communist Nations' Transition To Democracy, 2002.
Compares the presidential and parliamentary systems of democracy and examines some Eastern European countries that are switching from a presidential system to a parliamentary one.
1,150 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 3 sources, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the system of presidential and parliamentary democratic governing and uses the models of the United Kingdom and the United States to illustrate the differences. The paper also looks at the Eastern European Countries who are now in the process of changing their democratic leadership from presidential to parliamentary governing.
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Post-Communist Democracy, 2002.
A look at the difficulties of democratizing the former Soviet Union.
1,400 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 5 sources, $ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that the contemporary situation in post-communist Russia is very much rooted in the anti-democratic features of both pre-Bolshevik and Bolshevik society. Russia has always been authoritarian and anti-individual in nature. These ingredients of the non-democratic mentality have paved the foundation for today's difficulties with reform.
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Pluralism and Democracy in Post-Communist Russia, 2002.
This paper looks at the efforts of and difficulties faced by Russia as it tries to establish pluralism and democracy after the fall of communism.
6,082 words (approx. 24.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 143.95
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Abstract
The writer gives a detailed step-by-step account of the reasons why Russia is struggling to get a foot-hold in a modern democratic world. The paper looks at various issues such as the great diversity of ethnic groups, religions, the vastness of the territory and economic instability.
From the Paper
"This political response to external threats impairs the state?s ability to function, which can result in the deterioration of the state itself. This happens because politics of an ethnically organized nature complicate and confuse the interaction between constitutional and ?everyday politics? (Schopflin 54). The distinction between constitutional politics and ?everyday politics? is that the former deals with issues such as morality, identity, and social integration, while the latter is primarily involved with issues of a material and economic nature (Schopflin 54)."
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The Spanish Transition to Democracy, 2005.
An examination of the Spanish transition to democracy under the principle of 'ruptura pactada',
3,333 words (approx. 13.3 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 95.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that the logic of a democratisation based on the notion of 'ruptura pactada' (rupture based on mutual agreements) has enabled the Spanish government to address peacefully the issues of the form of government, the place of religion and the question of historic nationalism, by making concessions to satisfy the whole Spanish political class. It looks at how nevertheless, this consensual solution has been revealing its high fragility since Spain's 'second' debut as a democracy, in particular in the domain of autonomous and independence aspirations among Spanish regions. It discusses to what extent the logic of 'ruptura pactada' can be considered as to have inherent weaknesses which would undermine a peaceful democratic consolidation in Spain.
Outline:
The Making of Spain's Transition to Democracy Under the Principle of 'Policy of Consensus' or Also Called 'Ruptura Pactada'
The Drafting of the 1978 Constitution: The Application of the Principle of 'Ruptura Pactada' In Political Negotiations
The Fragility of the Consensus: The Emergence of Strong Contestations
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Juan Antonio Ortega Diaz-Ambrona insists on that, in the perspective of Franco's imminent death, the National Movement (the Francoist political platform of the dictatorship), was extremely divided as for the way Spanish politics should be managed in the future. Indeed, the Francoist political elite was divided between the inmovilistas (the "fixed ones") who advocated the "continuity", which means that the Francoist political regime, as defined by the "Fundamental principles" (Principios Fundamentales) established in 1958, should continue after Franco's death, and the aperturistas (the "open ones") who favoured a direction towards a more liberalised and democratic regime (ORTEGA DIAZ-AMBRONA, 1984: 21-22). Carlos Arias Navarro replaced Carrero Blanco at the head of the government but the Francoist government faced serious difficulties to get unanimous support for a new law of political associations in February 1974. "
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Post-Communist Poland, 2006.
An examination of the post-communist transformation of Poland from a command economy to a market system.
6,700 words (approx. 26.8 pages), 7 sources, APA, $ 152.95
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Abstract
This paper describes the privatization process that Poland underwent following the demise of communist control of the country. The paper describes the country's struggles with the transformation from a command economy to a market system as well as the positive results that resulted from the transformation. Additionally, the paper describes the lessons that were learned from the transformation process and concludes with a positive assessment of the country's economic future not only for foreign investors but for local investors as well.
From the Paper
"Even with all these positive results of small privatization in Poland, there were still problems with privatization as a whole in Poland. In September 1990, the Ministry of Privatization prepared and published its Privatization Program, Program Prywatyzacji, where it assumed that between 1991-1995, 50 percent of all enterprises would be privatized. At the time of the publication of the program there was a great deal of optimism that privatization and foreign investment would solve much of the country's economic problems and would be achieved fairly rapidly. "This illusion of rapid privatization became apparent when the newly established Office of the Plenipotentiary for Transformation Changes together with Western experts began preparing the framework for privatization in Poland. The foreign experts focused almost exclusively on a firm-by-firm sale strategy, which was similar to other programs implemented in other parts of the world. This customized approach was likely to bog down for political, economic, and financial reasons before a significant portion of the state firms could actually be privatized."
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Executive-Legislative Relations in Post-Communist Europe, 2001.
A look at the struggles of political stability in post-Communist Eastern Europe and the methods of electing governments and leaders.
1,400 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 46.95
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Abstract
The paper shows the continued struggle between residual Leninism and liberalism in most of the former Soviet bloc. It examines how this battle effects the election processes and legislative institutions in these countries.
From the Paper
"A decade has passed since the extraordinary events that led to the collapse of the Leninist regimes of East and Central Europe. The decade has been filled by high expectations, noble dreams of justice and freedom, as well as by frustrations, neuroses, and painful disappointments. Throughout the last ten years of the twentieth century, some countries of East and Central Europe have initiated and consolidated viable democratic practices and institutions. Others have lagged behind and are still quasi-democracies with little prospects to be accepted into the much coveted and often idealized Western "club." "
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Post-Communist Bulgaria and Ethnics, 2002.
A look at ethical subdivisions in Bulgaria.
1,150 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 5 sources, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper examines ethnic divisions in post-Communist Bulgaria. The primary division is between the Bulgar/Bulgarian Orthodox majority and the Muslim/Turk minority.
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Struggling with Values in a Post-Communist State, 2007.
An analysis of the challenges that a Westerner faced while trying to run the Ste. Basil Hotel - a luxury hotel in Moscow.
1,488 words (approx. 6.0 pages), 2 sources, APA, $ 49.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the challenge of operating a business in a foreign country. The case study in this paper presents a specific business situation, describes the prevailing conditions which needed to be addressed, relates the decisions that were made, and examines the consequences of failing to apply sound business and management principles.
Outline:
Introduction
Case Overview
Case Analysis
Lessons Learned
From the Paper
"In a foreign business environment there is always going to be pressure on a manager to conform to prevailing cultural values and attitudes, but businesses succeed or fail in accordance with their adherence to sound business and management principles, not their adherence to cultural expectations. Many of the problems encountered could have been avoided or overcome if top priorities would have been established, such as making decisions based upon sound management principles, delegating authority to subordinate managers only if they have demonstrated competence and reliability, and ensuring that effective assistance could be obtained if corrupt business rivals seek to exploit their connections to undermine
the business or infiltrate it with their own people."
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A Comparison of Modern Democracy and Classical Athenian Democracy, 2002.
Compares modern constitutional democracies and the democracy of classical Athens.
914 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 32.95
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Abstract
Discusses the major differences between Athenian democracy and modern democracy. Differences include voting and citizenship rights, gender and background bias in the Athenian social and economic system, the type of representation that each society offered and the 'participation factor' in Athens.
From the Paper
"There are several significant differences between modern constitutional democracies and the democracy of classical Athens. Even though the classical Athenian democracy was a major step forward in political thought, at its height there were still many areas in which it was decidedly unlike any democracy existing today. These differences fall into three major categories: differences in who could vote, in the type of representation, and in the overall participation factor.
One major and clearly recognizable difference is that in the Athenian democracy there was only a certain selected element of the population that was allowed to vote. This difference in voting behavior stems from the fact that the Athenian social and economic system was supportive of the suppression of groups of people according to gender and background in ways that are not acceptable in today?s western cultures.
For example, women were not given full rights of citizenship. They were also socially and economically kept in a subservient role to men. Women?s function was seen as primarily that of propagation and managing a household. Women were not allowed access to the marketplace of ideas that was so important to the Athenians.
These conditions set up an interactive cycle between the social and political institutions; since women were regarded as inferior and not deserving of full citizenship, they were not allowed to vote. However, without the ability to vote, it was very unlikely that any of these restrictions would be modified or lifted. The role of women in Greek society was too firmly entrenched to be easily changed."
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A Comparison of Modern Democracy and Classical Athenian Democracy, 2002.
This paper looks at several significant differences between modern constitutional democracies and the democracy of classical Athens.
864 words (approx. 3.5 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 30.95
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Abstract
The writer shows that even though the classical Athenian democracy was a major step forward in political thought, at its height there were still many areas in which it was decidedly unlike any democracy existing today. The paper divides these differences into three major categories: differences in who could vote, in the type of representation, and in the overall participation factor.
From the Paper
"One major and clearly recognizable difference is that in the Athenian democracy there was only a certain selected element of the population that was allowed to vote. This difference in voting behavior stems from the fact that the Athenian social and economic system was supportive of the suppression of groups of people according to gender and background in ways that are not acceptable in today?s western cultures."
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"Democracy?s Discontent" vs. "Democracy in America", 2003.
A comparison of Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America" and Michael J. Sandel's "Democracy?s Discontent".
3,845 words (approx. 15.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 105.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how Alexis de Tocqueville in "Democracy in America" and Michael J. Sandel in "Democracy?s Discontent" both address issues of democracy, freedom, the role of government, and the good citizen. It looks at how their viewpoints differ because they write at different times of history. De Tocqueville writes at a time when democracy is a novel ideal. Aristocracy has been the main form of government, and this, therefore, plays a major role in his writing. Sandel, on the other hand, deals with contemporary issues such as the global community and the implications of new technology and diminishing boundaries among people.
From the Paper
"De Tocqueville stresses the importance of civil equality in the achievement of true democracy. This equality implies the lack of divisions and barriers between social classes. This is the equality that he sees in American culture as opposed to European culture that still subscribes to the aristocratic means of government. The democratic ideal implies more freedom than would be possible with an aristocratic government: ?Let us suppose that all the people take a part in the government, and that each one of them has an equal right to take a part in it. As no one is different from his fellows, none can exercise a tyrannical power; men will be perfectly free because they are all entirely equal??(De Tocqueville, Book II, Chapter I)."
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Post-Modernism, Post-War Critical Theory and Marxism, 2003.
A comparative analysis of post-modernist theories with post-war critical theory.
3,148 words (approx. 12.6 pages), 12 sources, MLA, $ 91.95
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Abstract
This paper embarks on an examination of the work of post-war critical theorists Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse who capture the dominant themes of post-war Critical Theory well. It proceeds to show how many parallels are evident between post-war Critical Theory and the more recently formulated postmodernist theories. An examination of postmodernist theories then ensues, taking as exemplars the work of Baudrillard, Jameson and Harvey. It concludes by arguing that postmodernist theories do indeed revisit the critique of modern culture, which post-war Critical Theory began and they do so without the political commitment to Marxism. An explanation for this follows, discussing the events which ?shattered a whole generation of French intellectual?s beliefs in the moral supremacy of Marxism? and sheds light on the climate which ultimately paved way for the emergence of postmodernism.
From the Paper
"Advertising encourages individuals to view themselves primarily as consumers, and under the guise of entertainment, audiences are manipulated into accepting and conforming to existing society. Kellner captures this sentiment well claiming ?advertising progressively fuses in style and technique with the entertainment of the culture industry, which in turn can be read as a series of advertisements for existing society and the established way of life? (1989:33). The culture industry is designed to discourage individuals from challenging the given order, to think critically and indeed, think for themselves. ?The need, which might resist control, has already been suppressed by the control of individual consciousness? (1995: 121). Adorno and Horkheimer show how the products of the culture industry are similar to those produced in a factory, sharing their belief that ?under monopoly all mass culture is identical?. (1995: 121)."
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Democracy and the U.S. Constitution: A Discussion of the Successes and Failures of the Founding Fathers in making an Obtainable Democracy, 2000.
After discussing the successes and failures of the founding fathers, the author of the paper concludes that they mostly did a good job, but disputes that America now has a pure democracy.
1,360 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 2 sources, $ 45.95
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From the Paper
" A perfect democracy would be a democracy where everyone- the poor, the rich, the weak, the strong- get to have a say in what the government does. Wherein the supreme power ultimately rests with the people. However, this is not reality. Instead, representative democracy can be defined in two ways: the responsible model and the popular model. In the popular model, ordinary people have a great deal of freedom and ability to participate actively in government. In this type, elections express the popular will and determine policies. Examples of this model include the House of Representatives, the Virginia Plan, and citizen initiatives. In the responsible model, citizens play a more passive role. Government officials have a great deal of freedom to act on the behalf of the country as a whole. Elections here, grant popular consent and determine leaders. Examples of this model are the Senate, the New Jersey Plan, and the Supreme Court. Although the people of the United States live in a democracy that has both popular and responsible elements, democracy here has always been more denoted by the popular model. "
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Russian Democracy, 2006.
A paper discussing Russia's transition from communism to democracy.
2,533 words (approx. 10.1 pages), 7 sources, APA, $ 76.95
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Abstract
This paper reports on the positives and negatives Russia has experienced while attempting to change into a democratic society, the corruption that is a part of the Russian political system, Russia's economy and policies towards civil rights and its relationship with the United States.
Table of Contents
A Brief Review of Why Russia Needed to Become Democratic
Switching from Communism to Democracy
Putin's Corruption
Putin's Reforms
Women's Movement
Human Rights
Russia's Economic Hard Times
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Meanwhile, Russia has had a good recent track record when it comes to economic growth, which is reflected in a 7.3% increase in Gross National Production (GNP) in 2003, Sleivyte explains (65). That rise in GNP is largely due, though, to the sale of oil internationally; indeed, energy accounted for "50% of Russia's total export earnings in 2003," and Putin's government also looked good economically because the price of oil was high. But overall, there are fewer freedoms in Russia than five years ago, partly because Putin has launched an "anti-terrorism" campaign - a "state of war" against international terrorists "bent on destroying Russia" - which, in reality, Sleivyte writes, "has no relation to the fight against terrorism," but rather a trade-off of "less freedom for more security.""
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Parliamentary vs. Presidential Democracy, 2003.
An examination of the differences and similarities between parliamentary and presidential democracy.
2,300 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 79.95
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Abstract
This paper studies the various forms of democracy found today in the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The paper compares and contrasts parliamentary and presidential democracy and explains why the parliamentary form is more appealing to these post-Communist nations.
From the Paper
"According to Reiter and Stam, the driving force behind the new wave of democratization stems from the belief that liberal democracy brings with it at least three promises: freedom..."
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