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Post Cold War Stability, 2002.
An analysis of scholarly theories about post Cold War.
1,650 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 4 sources, $ 62.95
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Abstract
This seven-page undergraduate paper examines the stability of the post Cold War international system. The author discusses what if anything is fundamentally distinctive about the post Cold War system and analyzes how these "new" characteristics make the system less stable.
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Security Post Cold War, 2004.
This paper examines the transnational security environment during the present post-Cold War era.
1,430 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the post-Cold War age, which resulted in a decline of the bipolar system, has created a very complex political struggle with a new security duality: On one side, (1) a uni-polar system, with the United States acting as a single hegemonic power, combined with a multi-polar system, emphasizing multinational cooperation and globalism, versus the other side, (2) nation-states, which are splintering into terrorist societies. The author points out that, while the causes of conflicts during the Cold War were ideological and territorial issues, post-Cold War conflicts are caused by much more eminent and diversified factors such as ethnicity, religion, governance and poverty. The paper relates that the intensity of religious fanaticism, which founded and flamed the conflicts between the Western and Arab worlds for thousands of years, assures that terrorism will continue to challenge world security because neither side will back down in the wake of new cultural and social ideals.
From the Paper
"Presently, nations are becoming ever more intrinsically connected, affecting economies, politicalization, social issues, and citizenry. Today's interdependence is the intertwining of nations in a globalized world. Economically speaking, countries are not as self-reliant as they once were in terms of markets, commodities and exchange rates. Investments are being made by corporate American all over the world in terms of increasing profits and opening markets. General self-rule and flexibility is lost by individual states as we move towards a global economy and, "at a minimum will raise serious questions about the meaning of internal and external sovereignty.""
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The Post-Cold War World, 2006.
A critical review of three readings dealing with building peace in a post-Cold War world.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 3 sources, $ 35.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a critical review and response to three readings. The readings include Boutros Ghali's "An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peacekeeping", Michael Small's "Peacebuilding in Post-conflict Societies" and Carrie Manning's "Local Level Challenges to Post-Conflict Peacebuilding". All three address the topic of peacebuilding in the post-Cold War world.
From the Paper
"In An Agenda for Peace, Ghali discusses the purpose of the United Nations, as well as gives an analysis and recommendations on ways the UN can strengthen their means for preventative diplomacy, including peacemaking and peacekeeping. These two fundamental components of preventative diplomacy are quite different, despite both centering on peace. With peacemaking, actions are used to end hostilities. However, peacekeeping involves not only making peace, but maintaining it as well, once it is achieved. With the end of the Cold War, there came the opportunity for globalized peace on a scale never before known, and the UN has been charged with the task of acquiring and maintaining this international peace and security."
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Post Cold War, 2005.
A look at the way that the United States developed post the Cold War into the world's superpower.
2,487 words (approx. 9.9 pages), 8 sources, APA, $ 75.95
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Abstract
This paper examines various theories into how and why the United States developed so quickly into being the world's only real superpower following the Cold War. It looks at the country's unsurpassed military capabilities and its political agenda. The writer concludes that the real geo-political organization of the post-Cold War world is a single pole of world power that constitutes the United States at the peak of the industrial west.
From the Paper
"Presently, American military expenditure enhances that of the next twenty countries altogether. Its navy, air force and space power are still considered unsurpassed. While the military expenditure by US associates is eliminated, the United States has the military expenditure to the tune of about twice as much on defense as the rest of the world altogether. The American troops have been deployed in 75 nations; each organ of the armed services has its own air force, and in the coming year we are capable of becoming aware whether the US can pull off what it has been preparing to do since the end of the cold war: struggle for two regional wars at the same moment. During the post 9/11 period most of the Americans are quite anxious to spend more on military activity than the next 15 nations collectively. They have enough faith in the pledge of our leaders that we are secured only when we could overcome our enemies and eliminate them adequately. Moreover, the American technology is quite alluring. It is prominent by every measure: military economic, technological, diplomatic, and cultural even linguistic with numerous countries trying to fend off the unalterable transition of Internet fueled MTV English."
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Post-Cold War Economic Integration, 2001.
Examining the challenges facing post Cold-War economic integration.
2,469 words (approx. 9.9 pages), 11 sources, $ 75.95
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Abstract
This essay identifies and explores some of the major challenges to European economic integration in the post-cold war era. It also traces the development of the European Union from the years following World War Two to the groundbreaking Maastricht Treaty.
From the Paper
"At the close of the Second World War, Heads of State from around the globe came together with the goal of ensuring that the devastation seen in that violent conflict would never again be repeated. One of their primary goals was to reinforce the European economy so that the continent could rise from the ashes of their broken cities and achieve the eminent philosopher Immanuel Kant?s dream of perpetual peace. The U.S. Secretary of State, George C. Marshall, devised a plan that would give Europe the aid it so desperately needed but only if the individual countries pulled together and launched a joint effort to revitalize their continent. This measure would ensure the impecunious economic conditions that indirectly brought Hitler, Mussolini and Franco into power would be avoided. As the years progressed and the wounds of war slowly healed, Western European economies began to integrate their coal and steel markets."
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Post-Cold War Transnational Crime, 2005.
Analyzes transnational crime since the end of the Cold War.
1,350 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 6 sources, $ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper examines transnational crime which has increased since the end of the Cold War fifteen years ago, primarily because the collapse of the Soviet empire provided vast new opportunities for international criminals to traffic more extensively in illegal arms sales and black marketeering. The fall of the Soviet Union and its entire economic and security infrastructure has had many consequences. The paper shows that many Russian conventional and nuclear weapons arsenals are no longer secure because the government lacks the funds to provide adequate security staffs, and unemployment is so high that many Russians are engaging in black market activities.
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Asia in the Post-Cold War Era, 2006.
A study of the impact of religious ideology in the Asian region.
1,990 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how religious ideology has impacted the development of national identity throughout Asia and the South Pacific over the past twenty years. The paper begins with an analysis of India in the post-colonial era, which the author asserts has proven to be one of the most effective yet exclusive countries in the world. The paper demonstrates how the division of culture and diversity has been created by the development of the independent nation of Pakistan, almost solely based upon national pride and religious differences. The paper also discusses the impact of poverty as a dividing force in the nation, since those who are members of the dominant faith tend to be allowed more opportunity, whether by virtue of their familial past or by virtue of a discriminatory system. Next the paper turns to the transformation of Japan from an ancient to ultra-modern society, which is viewed by many as a western triumph. Yet the paper notes that the country has been culturally whitewashed of its tradition and simplicity. The paper concludes with a brief examination of other trends in national identity in Southeast Asia, including in Korea and Hong Kong.
From the Paper
"The post-cold war era, far from making the "end of history" and the triumph of the western ideal, will be characterized by increased global fragmentation and the "clash of civilizations" based on ethical, cultural and religious distinctions. Cultural identity has replaced any shared ideology that had existed as the dominant global perspective in world affairs. To a great degree nationalism, be it exclusive or inclusive of cultural minorities has become the driving force behind many world decisions and the many lessons of diversity, taught over the last 50 plus years have congealed into the pride of ideological difference that is created by the borders of ones nation and the culture of the people within it. The catch twenty-two of diversity has become fragmented ideologies of exclusion of diversity rather than inclusive of difference and equality. Within this collective there are many forces at work that create exclusion, the most influential being religious ideology, be it by representation alone, or by true religious cohesion."
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The U.N. In The Post-Cold War Era, 1995.
Examines its changing roles, challenges and opportunities after the break-up of the Soviet Union, focusing on European conflicts.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 9 sources, $ 63.95
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From the Paper
"The United Nations faces a new power structure in the world with the breakup of the Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc. This provides a new opportunity to reconstitute the UN so that it more clearly fulfills the original purpose of the United Nations, which was to avoid conflict or to settle it without force. The new paradigm may be bolstering international law and arbitration in order to judge the actions of nations according to ethical standards.
After World War I, many of the nations of the world tried to address one of the issues that had interested idealists for some time--the creation of some means for international adjudication as a way of authoritatively and peacefully settling international disputes. One of the institutions that emerged from this war was the League of Nations, a forerunner of the United Nations but ..."
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Post-Cold War Global Policy of the U.S., 2000.
An assessment of policies using U.S. armed forces in peacekeeping, peacemaking and humanitarian operations. Includes theories, concepts, examples and recommendations.
4,500 words (approx. 18.0 pages), 14 sources, $ 135.95
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From the Paper
"Section I
Introduction
The end of the Cold War ushered in a new strategic era for the United States. As a consequence, the roles and missions of the United States armed forces have been revised, or at least, are in a transition period where new roles and missions are being assessed (9:1). One of the most controversial of the roles and missions being considered and, in some instances, implemented for the United States armed forces in this transition period is the conduct of Military Operations Other Than War, or MOOTW (4:1). MOOTW is not a new concept for United States armed forces, as the Berlin Airlift in the 1948-1949 period will attest (4:1). The framework of MOOTW in the contemporary period, however, includes such activities as peacekeeping, peacemaking..."
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The Need for Stability and Post- War America, 2002.
Examination of the relationship between the prosperity of Post-War America and the changing social structure of Post-War America.
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 1 source, $ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the relationship between the post- war prosperity, the development of the suburbs, and the perceived need for conformity in the United States. These factors, while apparently extremely different in appearance, are all connected through the changing social structure of America. The main cause of this change is best explored as that of a need for stability and the new finances that allowed the new American middle class to chase after that stability.
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Post-Modernism, Post-War Critical Theory and Marxism, 2003.
A comparative analysis of post-modernist theories with post-war critical theory.
3,148 words (approx. 12.6 pages), 12 sources, MLA, $ 91.95
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Abstract
This paper embarks on an examination of the work of post-war critical theorists Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse who capture the dominant themes of post-war Critical Theory well. It proceeds to show how many parallels are evident between post-war Critical Theory and the more recently formulated postmodernist theories. An examination of postmodernist theories then ensues, taking as exemplars the work of Baudrillard, Jameson and Harvey. It concludes by arguing that postmodernist theories do indeed revisit the critique of modern culture, which post-war Critical Theory began and they do so without the political commitment to Marxism. An explanation for this follows, discussing the events which ?shattered a whole generation of French intellectual?s beliefs in the moral supremacy of Marxism? and sheds light on the climate which ultimately paved way for the emergence of postmodernism.
From the Paper
"Advertising encourages individuals to view themselves primarily as consumers, and under the guise of entertainment, audiences are manipulated into accepting and conforming to existing society. Kellner captures this sentiment well claiming ?advertising progressively fuses in style and technique with the entertainment of the culture industry, which in turn can be read as a series of advertisements for existing society and the established way of life? (1989:33). The culture industry is designed to discourage individuals from challenging the given order, to think critically and indeed, think for themselves. ?The need, which might resist control, has already been suppressed by the control of individual consciousness? (1995: 121). Adorno and Horkheimer show how the products of the culture industry are similar to those produced in a factory, sharing their belief that ?under monopoly all mass culture is identical?. (1995: 121)."
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Diamond Wars in Western Africa, 2002.
This paper discusses that throughout Western Africa the quest for diamonds has caused civil wars and affected the stability of many governments and their economies.
2,245 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 69.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses the battles over diamonds in the Western Africa nations especially the civil wars in Angola, Sierra Leone and Liberia. The paper points out that many African countries especially Botswana, the world's largest diamond producer, have avoided the diamond wars and developed a prosperous economy fuelled by diamonds. The author states that world governments and organizations, diamond traders, financial institutions, arms manufacturers, social and educational institutions, human rights groups and celebrities are combining their efforts to demand the strict enforcement of sanctions and encourage peace in Africa.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Competing for Diamonds
Would-Be Success of Diamond Countries
Fighting the Rebels
Conclusion
From the Paper
"National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), a rebel group, has been in constant conflict with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola ( MPLA) for about twenty years. These two groups have created a civil war in Angola as both groups fight for control of the country. As a result, the country is covered in land mines that kill many innocent people on a daily basis. Still UNITA refuses to relinquish diamond mines to the MPLA government and the country remains in a dangerous civil war."
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Hegemonic Stability Theory, 2002.
An examination of the hegemonic stability theory which maintains that the presence of a powerful institution, with strong leadership and the power to impose sanctions, becomes even more necessary to maintain a liberal world economy.
1,225 words (approx. 4.9 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 41.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the theory of hegemonic stability and how it applies to the current climate of globalism. The first part of the paper traces the early roots of hegemonic stability theory, and how hegemons have regulated the international liberal economy through various historical periods. The second part examines the growing critiques to hegemonic stability theory. In the last part, the paper looks at the new theories that have been proposed to shed light on the new economic order, and compares how these new theories compare to the theory of hegemonic stability.
From the Paper
"One of the earliest proponents of hegemonic stability theory was Charles P. Kindleberger, who maintained that the only way to ensure stability within the international economy was for a single country to ?assume responsibility for maintaining a relatively open market? (cited in Lake, 147). For Kindleberger, a country?s ability to stabilize the international economy rests largely on its size and its position within the larger economic system. Small states that cannot affect the international economy are ?free riders.? Middle-sized states that are big enough to cause damages but not substantial enough to stabilize the economic order are considered ?spoilers? (Lake, 147).
Finally, the large states have both the size and the capability to stabilize the international economy. Therefore, only these states should assume the mantle of leadership (Lake, 157). Robert Gilpin further refined Kindleberger?s original formulation by proposing a more nuanced view of the interrelationship between nation states. First, Gilpin challenged the primacy assigned to the economic system by recognizing a reciprocal relationship between the market and the policies of nation states. While states may set rules for investors and multinationals, the state policies, interests and actions are themselves shaped by economic and technological forces (Gilpin 24)."
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US Deterrence Strategies After The Cold War, 2006.
An in-depth analysis of the post Cold War US deterrence strategies.
22,206 words (approx. 88.8 pages), 74 sources, APA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the opinions of many after September 11th, that the present form of terrorism has made classical deterrence theory outdated. According to the paper transnational terrorism has totally dented conventional wisdom, which had dictated proceedings during the cold war. Similarly, rogue states all over the world, in general, and the Middle East and South Asia, in particular, have created a great deal of tension in Washington. The paper further discusses how the role of the American rival states, such as, North Korea and China and the functions and limitations of the UN Security Council have completely transformed the security structure of the sole hyper power of the world. This paper tries to elucidate the best possible deterrence strategy the United States should pursue after the cold war.
Outline:
Introduction
Statement of the Problem
Purpose of the Study
Justification of the Study
Research Design and Methodology
Collection of Data
Data Analysis and Search Tactics
Limitations of the Study
Part 2
Transnational Terrorism
The Rogue and the Rival States
The U.N. Security Council
Conclusion of This Section
Part 3
Literature Review
Classical Deterrence Theory
The End of Cold War deterrence
A New Justification
Conclusion of This Section
Part 4
The First Case Study: The Strategic Triangle (US/China/Russia)
The Sino-Russo Partnership
The US-Russian Labyrinth: A Subtle Relationship
The Source for Cooperation and Divergence
Effect of the End of Cold War
Conclusion of This Section
The Second Case Study: Deterring North Korea
US Policy on the Korean Peninsula Since 1945
The Future of the U.S. Foreign Policy on the Korean Peninsula
The Status Quo Option
The Hard-Line Option
Compromise
Early Bush Administration Policy
Conclusion
The third Case Study: Transnational Terrorism
Counter-terrorism in a Global Society
Conclusion
Part 5
Observation and Conclusion
Correcting the Strategic Gaps in the U.S. Approach to Homeland Defense Concentrating Less on Who is Responsible and More on What They Ought to be Responsible of
Planning for Higher-Probability, Lower-Consequence, and Lower-Probability, Higher-Consequence Events
From the Paper
"At the threat of generalization, one could make a case that US relations with China were greatly powered by two issues: the vicissitudes in the Sino-Russo association and--the more significant of the two--the Taiwan problem. For 30 years following the "People's Republic of China" (PRC) emergence in 1949, the United States carried on to acknowledge the adversary Chinese government (the Republic of China, or ROC) that had moved to Taiwan after trailing behind the civil conflict on the mainland. The path to ultimate US standardization with the PRC in 1979 was cemented by US President Richard Nixon, whose striking plan was to build a coalition with China--which was, at that time, in conflict with the Soviet Union--in an effort to oppose the increasing Soviet threat. However the United States, in spite of everything, maintains informal relations with the Republic of China. Certainly, under the "Taiwan Relations Act," a piece of internal US legislation, Washington is under a duty to defend Taiwan's safety and therefore carry on arms sales to the isle .
Washington's Taiwan association has bedeviled its dealings with the Republic of China from this time onwards, even more so following 1988 when Taiwan's political leadership demonstrated growing inclinations in the direction of a separatist route outside the One China state-of-affairs. All through a brief disagreement amid mainland China and Taiwan in 1996, the United States sent off two naval battle factions to the Taiwan channel to demonstrate moral cooperation for Taiwan (and maybe to gratify President Clinton's congressional associates). An unintentional war with China was hardly prevented only with the sensible removal of the US carrier Independence, at the same time as, the second carrier, the Nimitz, was still on its route as of the Mediterranean Sea. The narrow escape drove home the Republic of China's sincerity in relation to Taiwan to the Clinton management, forcing it to assume a soul-searching evaluation of Sino-US strategy. The concluding decision for Clinton's "thoroughgoing" engagement policy concerning the Chinese, which he practiced all through his second presidential tenure, was to prevent himself from being heaved into an unintentional war with China on behalf of Taiwan ."
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"Dismantling The Cold War Economy" ( Ann Markusen and Joel Yudken ), 1995.
A critical review of this work on Cold War economic problems, the impact of the arms race on the U.S. industry and opportunities for post-Cold War conversion.
1,350 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 1 source, $ 47.95
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From the Paper
"This study will examine Dismantling the Cold War Economy, by Ann Markusen and Joel Yudken, considering the chief problems associated with the Cold War economy, the impact of the Cold War on U.S. industry, and the possibility and opportunities of economic conversion from Cold War imperatives, as well as the obstacles to that conversion. The argument herein will be that despite the fact that the military domination of the Cold War economy created serious obstacles to post-Cold War conversion, and despite the fact that those obstacles are deeply entrenched despite the end of the Cold War, such conversion is possible. Perhaps the authors are overly optimistic in this regard, but it would still be going too far to argue that conversion is impossible. After all, the conversion to a military-industrial-dominated economy (which had its origins not in the Cold War but ..."
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