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Nationalism and Cultural Imperialism: Historical Themes, 2000.
The following essay examines two related themes in the Modern Age that have dramatically weaved their way through history and into the present day, nationalism and its aggressive ethnocentric stepchild, cultural imperialism.
1,305 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 2000 sources, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This essay examines the two related themes that have significantly contributed to the development of social, political, and cultural changes across the planet. The writer examines several historical examples related to these themes, and then relates nationalism and cultural imperialism to current events. In addition this essay comments on nationalistic tendencies during the Protestant Reformation and creation of the dynastic states, surrounding the French Revolution and the Revolutions of 1848, within the Far East, and in other settings; and cite nationalism in current events.
From the Paper
"Plenty of arguments surround the role of the Protestant Reformation in the rise of modern individualism, democracy, and industrialism, but most historians agree that the Reformation deeply influenced the formation of modern nationalism, especially through the Thirty Years War and the subsequent Treaty of Westphalia. By that time, several of the modern nation-states were solidified, particularly Spain, France, and England. Here we see nationalism originating in states that were based on religious and dynastic ties."
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Caribbean Culture and Cultural Imperialism, 2007.
A discussion on whether the Caribbean society is too receptive and diverse for its own good.
1,633 words (approx. 6.5 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the Caribbean culture and at how its dynamic polyglot, diverse nature - and its ability, and even willingness, to accommodate different cultures and ethno-social traditions - has actually made it vulnerable on a number of profound levels. It explains that the Caribbean nations have shown a marked inability to throw off the cultural, linguistic and educational encrustations of the European nations which took over the region generations ago and which re-shaped their new fiefdoms in ways that effectively did away with pre-European values, codes, religions and dialects. The paper also looks at how many Caribbean young people attend English or French schools and prepare themselves for entry into a "global village" that is controlled by the very ethno-racial groups which turned their own lands "upside-down" in the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. In essence, the paper shows that by looking at the fragmented nature of the Caribbean world and by looking at the impress of foreign language upon its peoples and formal structures, a region is revealed that has lost much of its ability to marshal its forces against external imperialistic forces. The writer believes that the Caribbean must start doing a better job of privileging its indigenous traditions and dialects or it will finally, ineradicably, lose them forever.
From the Paper
"Many observers are of the view that the Caribbean is a melting pot; that it is a place wherein European and non-European types "creolize" and thereby shed their different historical-national identities in favor of one that is "West Indian" in nature. This argument, however, has been vigorously challenged by others who assert that the Caribbean is really a collection of different regions which have their own unique, distinctive features. Simply put, while there may be regional similarities vis-a-vis food, music, dance, dress and a host of other elements, there are many more (or at least as many more) differences as there are similarities (Allahar, p.1-2). Simply put, Allahar appears to be to arguing two things: firstly, West Indian/Caribbean is diverse; secondly, despite this diversity, the region has certain societal features that distinguish it from other regions and which bind together its disparate elements."
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Cultural Imperialism., 2002.
This paper discusses cultural imperialism in the Canadian/American relationship.
1,650 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 9 sources, $ 62.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews American cultural imperialism as expressed in a variety of manners and methods.
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Cultural Imperialism, 2008.
A discussion on whether the U.S. has conquered Australian culture.
1,884 words (approx. 7.5 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 60.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how cultural imperialism is the voluntary absorption of one culture by another. In particular, it looks at the particular case of the absorption of American culture by Australia. It examines how the advent of technology has made the world more accessible to huge numbers of people and how this increased accessibility exposes countries to more of other countries' cultures and ideas. The paper argues that Australia should not take steps to try and limit the amount of American media and popular culture that is being imported and that rather than being detrimental to Australia, cultural imperialism is merely a bi product of globalization.
From the Paper
"In Australia the issue of American dominance is a popular topic of debate. Terms like "Americanization" and "McDomination" are thrown around opinion columns and talked about in the media. People are referring to the influx of American popular culture that despite peaking in the 1960's, is still going on today. In "the early 1960s as much as 98 per cent of television drama was imported, while today 55 per cent of television drama is local content." (Sheil) The majority of this imported television was of American origin. However by no means does this say that America is losing its influence in popular culture because American music and movies still dominate Australian airways and movie theatres. Currently only thirteen of the fifty songs on the ARIA (Australia Record Industry Association) top 50 singles chart are Australian with the rest being imported, foreign music. "
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Cultural Imperialism, 2005.
An opinion paper about how Arab culture is marginalized in globalization.
3,000 words (approx. 12.0 pages), 11 sources, MLA, $ 88.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that Arabs living in the West are gradually being denied their rights to cultural self-expression and the concept of cultural imperialism is beginning to take over. While one cannot argue the halting of globalization as a means of halting the trend towards the suppression of Arab culture, one can argue that multi culturalism must become the norm. It explains that it is only within a framework of multiculturalism that globalization will not be a cultural threat to minority cultures and that these cultures will be allowed to survive without having to apologize for their values or some feeling that regression into extremism is the only available form of cultural and religious defense. Thus, it is not the Arab culture that must be redefined, but globalization's culturally imperialistic attitudes that must be reformulated.
From the Paper
"In the early 1990s, Huntington predicted that the wars of the future would not be over ideological differences, but over cultural ones. Arguing that the stereotypes that cultures produce of each other, leading to significant misunderstandings and misinterpretations, culminating in a 'clash of civilizations,' Huntington's thesis initially appeared invalid to some. Many believed that globalization, which would be based on multiculturalism, eventually giving birth to a universal culture which, while co-existing alongside national ones, would provide a strong basis for the globalization of culturally relativist attitudes, would prevent such a clash. However, even in the midst of globalization and the increased outward appearance of nations attempting to forge closer relationships and acquire cultural understanding of one another, Huntington's thesis proved valid. Although many cannot trace the present East and West clash of civilizations much further back than September eleventh, the fact is that the antagonistic relationship between the Islamic and Western worlds, based on mutual stereotyping and mutual feelings of fear, distrust and even hatred, goes back to the birth of Islam and its immediate perception by Christianity and a false and dangerous new religion. Since that time, and over the centuries that followed, Islam and Western Christianity only made superficial attempts to objectively understand one another through a non-judgmental culturally relativist attitude. Instead, each created stereotypes, based on part truths or complete lies, of the other; treated those stereotypes as the reality and, death with the other from that perspective, allowing misunderstandings, misinterpretations and hatred to burst to the boiling point called September eleventh and the counterattack called the War on Terror. Therefore, while September eleventh is not the starting point for the eruption of the clash of civilizations we are ironically living in during the age of globalization, it is a significant turning point which brought the clash of civilizations into the open."
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Yankee Cultural Imperialism, 2003.
Critique of an article on the implications of how Yankee-speech became recognized as the high-level English.
920 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 31.95
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Abstract
This paper provides a critique of an article, "The Language of Yankee Cultural Imperialism", on the implications of how Yankee-speech became recognized as the highest standard of American English.
From the Paper
In "The Language of Yankee Cultural Imperialism" Frazer shows that the residue of original Puritan colonization pushed westward from Massachusetts Bay and beyond out of which developed what came to be recognized as Yankee culture ..."
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Culture and Imperialism, 2001.
An analysis of Edward Said's "Culture and Imperialism", examining three of its chapters and explaining its relevance to other countries.
1,564 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 51.95
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Abstract
This paper examines "Culture and Imperialism" by Edward Said, illustrating imperialism through various modes of culture. The paper outlines Said's explanation that imperialism is an ideology that justifies, supports, and legitimates the conquest, control, and domination of lands that are inhabited by other people, who speak different languages and have other traditions. The paper also describes various literary works of the same time period and claims that Said viewed imperialism as the central theme of European literature in the 19th century.
From the Paper
"Edward Said?s Culture and Imperialism postulates that imperialism is not about a moment in history, but rather, about a continuing, interdependent relationship between a people and the dominant peoples and the dominant dialogue of an empire. Said sees "the disputed value of knowledge about imperialism . . . (as) a compellingly important and interesting configuration in the world of power and nations. There is no question," he insists, "that in the past decade the extraordinarily intense reversion to tribal and religious sentiments all over the world has accompanied and deepened many of the discrepancies among polities that have continued since . . . the period of high European imperialism.? "
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Colonial Nationalism and Western Imperialism, 2005.
This paper looks at 19th, 20th and 21st century colonial nationalism policy through western imperialism, discussing class hierarchy, politics, economics and social stratification in the past and present.
4,950 words (approx. 19.8 pages), 20 sources, $ 196.95
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Abstract
This paper represents the history of western colonialism through the advent of British imperial policy during the occupation of India in the 19th century to the modern acquisition of Iraq by militaristic and class structured economics of American foreign policy, which one sees now in the Interim Iraqi Council. The writer discusses that the covert policy of attracting upper class members of the Indian and Iraqi governments to partake in a policy that serves the occupiers is essential, understanding how political and military control is subverted to the natives of these foreign lands.
From the Paper
"The aim of this study on international nationalism makes a concerted focus on how western nations have used nationalism as a basis for imperialist policy in colonial nations. By actively analyzing the policy that makes such colonial nations possible, there will be a directive that will present the class based initiatives that subjugate these smaller, weaker nations. In creating a class hierarchy through the governmental and militaristic involvement of dominating western countries, such as Great Britain, America, and other European nations have partaken, there is a direct economic limitations that results in chaos and civil disorder."
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Quebec Nationalism vs. Canadian Nationalism, 2006.
A discussion on why nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 10 sources, $ 89.95
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Abstract
It is very clear that nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada. While Quebec remains a province of federal Canada, the question of seceding from Canada and becoming an independent country is never far from the agenda of most politicians in Quebec, and generates immense patriotic fervor throughout Quebec. This factor makes Quebec entirely different from other Canadian provinces. For example, we never hear talk of British Columbia seceding from Canada and becoming the Republic of British Columbia. In order to understand this peculiar situation, this paper investigates Canada's past and, specifically, the history of Quebec with Canada.
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Nationalism and the Founding of Nations, 2007.
A discussion of whether it is nationalism which engenders nations or the opposite.
1,990 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 14 sources, APA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper argues the case in favor of the stance that nationalism engenders nations, and not the other way around. The paper points out that there has yet to be any real consensus reached among historians regarding this question. It asserts that a large proportion of this debate relies on the context in which the argument is made, i.e. the time-frame and historical references used. Furthermore, definitions of the terms "nationalism" and "nation" vary from one source to another. The paper attempts to define these key terms. The interaction between nations and nationalism is analyzed using the nationalist movement of eighteenth and nineteenth century Germany as a reference point. The paper concludes that analyzing the origins of the nationalist movement illustrates how nationalism preceded the nation.
From the Paper
"It has already been said that a nation is not something overly definitive, so how can we justify its existence? It is generally accepted that any nation of people exists because that certain group of people have something or some things in common; race, language, culture, history etc. But it is inadequate to define a nation by describing it as an entity in which all individuals share common characteristics, because there will always be exceptions to the rule. Yet, if we try to define a nation using only a single rule, e.g. the necessity of a shared culture, then we narrow it down to too fine a focus, and potentially exclude a large number of people who identify themselves as being part of that nation. Renan, for example, championed heritage and the shared "heroic past" of a people as the only required component of a nation."
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Nationalism and the Modern Nation State, 2004.
A comparison of Umut Ozkirimli?s work, entitled "Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction" and Stuart J. Kaufman?s "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War".
842 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 29.95
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This paper examines these two writers' views on nationality and concludes that, although Kaufman is more inclined to speak of ?hatreds? rather than ethnic identities, Kaufman also, like Ozkirimli, stresses the importance of understanding the emotional significance of ethnic and national identity when constructing a nation state, rather than the idea that ethnicity exists as a linear, enclosed historical trope within definable and easily recognizable boundaries;ethnicity is ?felt,? rather than historically in evidence, for both authors.
From the Paper
"The overview present in Umut Ozkirimli?s analysis is a warning not to dismiss the importance of nationalism, and also a caution not to accept certain groups? claims to nationhood wholesale and at their face value, as the concept of what constitutes ethnicity shifts and changes, depending on individual?s particular political alliances in a particular historical context. Ozkirimili?s work has a far more dispassionate tone, in contrast, to Stuart J. Kaufman?s Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Kaufman?s work, in contrast to Ozkirimli, is more stridently prescriptive in nature. However, Kaufman is also more rigorous in his use of international political theoretical frameworks to justify his suggestions to policymakers."
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The League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper discusses the participation of the U.S. in the League of Nations and the United Nations as an element of the American national interest.
1,730 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 15 sources, APA, $ 55.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, although the U. S. failed to support the League of Nations, America supported the United Nations because the supreme national interest of America was to obtain a world atmosphere in which the United States could grow its inner social values devoid of undue commotion or danger from the outside. The author points out that collective action via the United Nations instead of unilateral action was considered politically viable on key political issues. The paper concludes that the League of Nations and the United Nations disappointed hopes the following the two world wars because, in no way, can they be an autonomous political power; at best, the U.N. is a mirror image of the opposing interest of autonomous states.
Table of Contents
Introduction
America's Rejection to Support the League of Nations
The Historical Background
The Fundamental Principals that Lead to the Rejection of the League of Nations
America's Support for the United Nations
Using United Nations to Achieve the Goals of American Foreign Policy
The Fundamental Goal of Military Security
The Fundamental Goal of Political Security:
The Fundamental Goal of Stability and Welfare
The Fundamental Goal of World Order
Conclusion
From the Paper
"In the United States of America the major disagreement on both the groundwork venture and the refined Covenant of the League of Nations had been on the base that the League would function as an intrusion with the sovereignty of America and with the Monroe principle, that it concerned desertion of the traditional American policy, which had not been in favor of entrapped coalitions, and that the government did not have the power, within its Constitution, to insert such an agreement . Independence has revealed to be just so much freedom of action on the behalf of countries as is coherent with their responsibility, within international law and principles, to authorize the application of uniform independence or freedom of action by their sister countries. The League agreement had assured all States in their application of this sovereignty free from coercion by other Countries, and he who desires more is actually in search of the authorization thoughtlessly to ignore these commitments -- to refuse, for instance, the fair rulings of a properly established tribunal -- which is the German perception of independence."
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Nation - Nation State, 2002.
Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 57.95
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Abstract
Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper
"Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of ?nation? and ?nation state? it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
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League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, $ 39.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations as international organizations formed to maintain peace and international cooperation. The writer discusses the League's role in reducing international tensions and its limited effectiveness. Further, the writer discusses the complexity of the United Nations as an organization.
From the Paper
Inis L. Claude stated that 'One World' is in some respects an idea land an aspiration born of modern interpretations of ancient moral thoughts and of rational estimates of the requirements for human survival. Both the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations were created as international organizations with a vested interest in maintaining the peace, preventing war, creating a mechanism or set of mechanisms for international cooperation and diplomacy and otherwise serving as trustees of ... "
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Two Nations Within a Nation, 2002.
A justification for slavery.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 6 sources, $ 35.95
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This paper argues that slavery was good for blacks. The author explains that the moral justification to slavery used by Southerners was that there was an inherent 'inferiority' in dark-skinned peoples. This meant that 'superior' races had a legitimate right to control them as they saw fit.
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