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Media in a Democratic Society, 2008. This paper explores whether the media in the United States, Canada and Mexico are effective in investigating government and sustaining democratic values in their societies. 2,278 words (approx. 9.1 pages), 12 sources, MLA, $ 70.95 »
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Abstract The paper provides a comparison and contrast of the societies and political cultures of the United States, Canada and Mexico as well as the media operations in each culture. The paper argues that while the U.S. model is influential in both Canada and Mexico, the similarities are closest between the U.S. and Canada in that corporate power blocks systemic media criticism of government. The paper contrasts this to Mexico where a more authoritarian political structure has historically resulted in more direct political control of media by government and political authority as opposed to corporate entities. The paper clearly shows how in neither of the three countries does the media - albeit in different respects - foster democratic values.
Outline:
Introduction
Media in the United States - Personality over Politics
Media in Canada - Politics and Culture
Media in Mexico - Absolute Convergence
Conclusion
From the Paper "Political and media critics in the United States have argued that one of the defining features of American media's representation of government is its tendency to focus on personality over politics. This can be seen most clearly in presidents, as the recent presidencies of George W. Bush and Bill Clinton have revealed an extraordinary level of focus on one individual personality rather than the complex processes of government itself. In fact, this was a process that began with the era of television in the 1950s, when politicians became celebrities and their political power was closely intertwined with their media images (Schickel 201). Since that time, American political campaigns have been oriented towards television and the importance of the thirty second "sound bite" (Jackson et al. 129)."
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Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), 2005. A look at the history, philosophy, and members of this intercollegiate political organization. 6,371 words (approx. 25.5 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 148.95 »
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Abstract This paper traces the history and beginnings of the college organization, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), from its inception to its demise and looks at how the original members and subsequent members contributed to the philosophy and leadership of the organization. The paper also describes the heyday of SDS, as well as the probable reasons for its demise.
From the Paper "These men, although dedicated, were ?from the upper end of the social and financial scale and in their schemes to redress national ills were rather more visionary than revolutionary; in common with much of the American left of the time, they saw the role of good socialists to be one of education.? His beliefs and position in life came down garbled to a writer in New Left Notes; in October 1968, an SDS member wrote that Sinclair had ?resigned as president of Columbia University because he considered the university system to be full of shit.? On several counts, the SDS writer was erroneous, not least of which the movement created by Sinclair et al, with excellent educations and excellent command of the language?not to mention more refined sensibilities?would have eschewed using such language to discuss the high ideals they proposed to educate America about."
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The Media in a Democratic Society, 2008. A review of how the media operates in Canada, Mexico and the USA. 2,734 words (approx. 10.9 pages), 17 sources, MLA, $ 81.95 »
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Abstract This paper describes the way the media operates in the states of Canada, Mexico and the United States, highlighting the problematic issues in each country. The author looks at media bias, issues of balance and equality and Government control and concludes that fairly dramatic steps need to be taken in all three countries.
From the Paper "The background of the media in all three lands is quite intriguing. Beginning first with Canada, it is clear that the Canadian media has sometimes (perhaps even often) been negligent in its treatment of minorities and of minority views - a state of affairs which calls into question its ability to serve as an accurate "watch-dog" of Canadian politics. For instance, Gidengil and Everitt have found that political utterances by female political leaders have been (at least in recent elections when female political leaders actually began to emerge in Canada) subjected to greater "interpretation" by the media and described in much more "negative and aggressive language" than the language used to describe the campaign-trail utterances of male counterparts. The intimation here is fairly clear: women leaders are generally the victims of a "gendered mediation" (certainly in television news coverage) that diminishes their standing and credibility ("Talking Tough," 209-220; for further evidence of gender bias, please see Gidengil & Everitt, "Conventional Coverage/Unconventional Politicians," 559-577). Suffice it to say, if this sort of mediation is unfolding in Canada, then the media can reasonably be expected to seize upon the failings of parties or governments run by women while simultaneously paying less heed to the failings/shortcomings of parties dominated by men."
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Democratization: A Democratic Audit of Russia, 2006. An audit of the emerging democracy in Russia using the principles outlined on the website, DemocraticAudit.com. 1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 3 sources, $ 71.95 »
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Abstract This paper uses the DemocraticAudit.com website in order to to audit democracy in Russia. The paper assesses whether the principles of democracy outlined by the site are being honored and administered in Russia as it emerges from its totalitarian past. These principles are identified in four blocks: Citizenship, Law and Rights; Representative and Accountable Government; Civil Society and Popular Participation; and Democracy beyond the State.
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Application of American Democratic Principles, 2006. This in-depth paper analyzes the U.S. Constitution, the Bill of Rights and Federalist Papers while contending that these historical works of writing contain the basic principles which most democratic societies around the world are built upon. 4,625 words (approx. 18.5 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 119.95 »
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Abstract This well-researched paper, written as a proposal intended for a fictitious remote island in the South Pacific, details the basic principles needed to create a viable and prosperous democratic society. This paper contains selected texts from the U.S. Constitution, Federalist Papers and the Bill of Rights which are all crucial building blocks when instituting a democratic government. This paper also lays out a plan for creating an expedient and profitable economy by making use of existing resources such as land and agriculture.
From the Paper "Given the fact that each state will have its own government for the conduct of its own internal affairs, Article IV is applicable since it contains provisions that pertain to the responsibility of the states to each other and of the central government to the states. This is an important part of the effort to conduct business in each region in such a way that the national interest will be upheld. I suggest that you adopt a similar set of measures to regulate internal affairs in the future as you become more involved in commerce with the rest of the world and with your neighbors in the Pacific."
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?The Good Society?, 2002. A review of the book ?The Good Society? by the sociologist Robert Bellah et al. 993 words (approx. 4.0 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 35.95 »
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Abstract This paper examines the book "The Good Society" by Robert Bellah et al. which argues that social problems faced by all today are mainly due to the disappointment of institutions, as well as the collective response of the society as a whole. It discusses a proposed new democratic society being an exclusive one in world order and gives a social psychological analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of this ideal world. It argues how in order to be "the good society", individuals should be left free to follow their private satisfactions autonomously of others.
From the Paper "However, another feature of this book to which the author Bellah has argued and may not be much agreeable is when he talked about the new democratic society directly being an exclusive one in world order. He gave a social psychological analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of society that have been proficiently interpreted the necessity for a new public philosophy by asking the question, "Is this great society a good society?" (Andre, 1992). Here the argument lies that no matter how the society is, it always contain its weaknesses and strengths, so the question of author ?Is this great society a good society?? does not give a positive impression on the reader?s mind."
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The Media, 2005. This paper discusses the media in a democratic society. 2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 8 sources, $ 89.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that scholars and the public continue to debate whether the media operates to sustain democratic values. The author points out that, regardless of its role, the normative view of the media is that it should play a complementary role in the functioning of the democratic system. The paper relates the nature of interrelationship between the media and democracy in the three North American countries: Canada, Mexico and United States.
From the Paper "Scholars as well as common people continue to debate whether the media operates to sustain democratic values. Regardless of its role, people hold the normative view that it should play a complementary role in the functioning of the democratic system. Whether the normative view---through public or more scholarly debates--prevails or not, the persisting debate about it points out that media and democracy are intertwined. This paper examines the nature of interrelationship between the media and democracy in the three North American countries namely, Canada, Mexico, and United States. It aims to shed light on the normative notion of the relationship through a rather objective investigation and analysis."
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The Functional Purpose for Racism in Society, 2008. An argument that there is no functional purpose for racism in a civilized society, contradictory to Jefferey Reiman's views in Frances Henry and Carol Tator's "The Colour of Democracy: Racism in Canadian Society." 955 words (approx. 3.8 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 33.95 »
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Abstract This paper discusses the Marxist-functionalist perspective that racism serves to reinforce and organize social structures of societal control. It looks at Jefferey Reiman's views as expressed in Frances Henry and Carol Tator's "The Colour of Democracy: Racism in Canadian Society." The paper argues that Reiman is incorrect and that there is no functional purpose of racism in a civilized society, but rather that racism is destructive in a free and democratic societal framework.
From the Paper "Functionalism does have some useful insights to offer. While all behaviour is not caused by social structures, much of human behaviour is influenced by social structures. However, this does not mean we should accept racism. Rather, it is all the more reason to reject it. The more we can change to a society that is not built on racism, the more individual people will not become racists. And the fewer racists there are, the less pain and suffering will be caused by racist actions and statements. Therefore, we should be looking for social structures that perpetuate or create racism, and trying to change them. We should not assume that it is all for the best. That is a simplistic assumption. It is also contrary to the human quest of trying to improve things. Anyone can see that we do not have a perfect society. If someone is a functionalist, they will assume that social structures cause this imperfection. From that point, instead of accepting the imperfections, we should look for ways to remove them - not to accept and justify them."
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Democratic Republic of Congo, 2005. This paper discusses the geography, including the history and economy, of the Democratic Republic of Congo. 1,675 words (approx. 6.7 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 54.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that the Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly known as Zaire, has been plagued with ethnic turmoil and civil war, exacerbated by the massive influx of refugees from Rwanda and Burundi, which has reduced a once prospering country into a state of turmoil. The author points out that there are over 200 African ethnic groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo of which the majority of these are Bantu. The paper explains that the U.N.'s Human Development Index (HDI), which is a composite of human development indicators, such as longevity, knowledge and education, and economic measurements, is a better system of determining living standards than the GDP alone; Democratic Republic of Congo ranks very near the bottom. Many graphs and charts.
Table of Contents
Democratic Republic of Congo Background
Introduction
Geographic Placement
Ethnic Composition of the Democratic Republic of Congo
Religious Composition of the Democratic Republic of Congo
Colonial History of the Democratic Republic of Congo
Form of Government for the Democratic Republic of Congo
Main Sources of Economic Activity
Structure of the Economy of Democratic Republic of Congo
Economic Background
Nominal and Real GDP Per Capita for the Previous 10 Years, in US$
Nominal and Real GDP Per Capita for the Previous 10 Years, in LCU
Comparison of Two Graphs
Life Expectancy
Adult Literacy Rate
Primary School Enrollment Rate
Human Development Index (HDI)
HDI Formula
HDI Versus GDP
5 Obstacles to Economic Development in the Past 5 Years
Actions that Could be Taken to Overcome These Challenges
From the Paper "Currently the country is under a dictatorship and is presumably transitioning towards a representative government; however, this has yet to be realized. A 500-member transitional National Assembly, along with a 120-member Senate was installed in July of 2003. These members were drawn from groups that signed the Pretoria Accord in December 2002. Elections were scheduled to be held in June of 2005; however, these are not likely to take place. Instead, it is likely that the transitional government will remain in place until the early part of 2006. President Joseph Kabila heads this transitional government. The transitional government includes an executive president, four vice-presidents, and a cabinet that is drawn from five armed groups, the unarmed political opposition, civil society, and the previous government of Joseph Kabila."
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The U.S. As A Litigious Society, 1999. Discusses reasons why lawsuits proliferate. Examines de facto inequality before the law, economics, reform and values. 900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 3 sources, $ 31.95 »
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Abstract A major feature that distinguishes democratic societies from pre modern hierarchical societies is the principle of equality before the law. In its original formulation this principle did away with judicial systems that were based on legal inequalities, in which different codes of penalties applied to different castes
From the Paper "Why is the United States Such a Litigious Society?
Introduction
A major feature that distinguishes democratic societies from pre modern hierarchical societies is the principle of equality before the law. In its original formulation this principle did away with judicial systems that were based on legal inequalities, in which different codes of penalties applied to different castes. Aristocrats, clergy, and commoners appeared before different tribunals; an aristocrat convicted of a capital crime was beheaded with swift dignity, while a commoner was gruesomely hung, drawn and quartered in a public spectacle. A commoner convicted of theft could be branded, mutilated or publicly humiliated in the stocks, punishments never ..."
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Theories of Democratic Governance, 2007. This paper explores the nature of the relationship between democratic governance and economic development in Africa. 6,841 words (approx. 27.4 pages), 24 sources, MLA, $ 155.95 »
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Abstract The paper discusses how poverty is known to create conditions that prevent democracy. The paper provides an in-depth analysis of theories of democratic governance to identify key elements in the historical evolution of democratic theories as they relate to development in Africa. The paper compares democratic theories from the perspectives of human nature, socioeconomic standing, politics, morality, ethics and culture. The paper also contrasts actual country events and experiences with assertions of theorists in the field, including Aristotle, Robert Dahl, Thomas Hobbes, Immanuel Kant, Niccolo Machiavelli, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Joseph Alois Schumpeter and Alexis de Tocqueville.
Outline:
Democratic Theorists
Application of Relevant Democratic Theories to Key Development Issues in Africa Today
Conclusion
From the Paper "In his essay, "Consolidating Democracy on a Troubled Continent," Oko (2000) notes that, "In the dawn of the new millennium, the quest for a durable democracy in Africa remains largely unsolved. As democratization efforts that engulfed Africa immediately after colonial rule quickly atrophied, authoritarian rule supplemented them, mostly in the form of military regimes and one-party states" (p. 573). Today, Africa is in the latter stage of its so-called "third wave" of democratic reforms, but many international observers question whether these initiatives are too little too late to solve the enormous and complex problems facing the continent in the 21st century."
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Have Public Schools Failed Society?, 2004. Argues that the public school system has served society, not failed it. 1,356 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 47.95 »
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Abstract The argument presented in this paper is that the public school system has not failed society--and that the privatization of the school system will do nothing to improve standards. In fact, the paper argues that it is society that has failed the public school system, a system based on democratic principles and the right to an education for all.
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Democratic Accountability, 2007. This paper examines Richard Swift's ideas about liberalism and his proposals to promote democratic accountability. 1,128 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 39.95 »
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Abstract The paper discusses how Swift criticizes neo-liberalism for its "weak democratic" values and presents a series of proposals that would promote democratic accountability by fostering strong democracy in the economy and in the state in general. The paper argues that Swift's solutions tend to be both unrealistic and characterized by internal contradictions. The paper presents an alternative solution for fostering democratic accountability and values.
From the Paper "Swift contends that democracy has not been a strong element of Liberalism from its early incarnation at the time of the Industrial Revolution to its modern incarnation in the Neo-Liberal era of Globalization. His critique of the "democratic malaise" of the modern world is both incisive and well-argued as he makes a strong case for reforms to remedy the current system of "weak democracy" characterized by the extraordinary concentration of political and economic power in the hands of a privileged few in the developed world (Swift 30-32)."
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Technology, Democratic Participation and Community Building, 2002. Examines the impact of information and communication technologies on democratic participation and community building. 1,983 words (approx. 7.9 pages), 60 sources, APA, $ 63.95 »
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Abstract Information and communication technologies (ICTs) are purported by many to increase democratic participation and build communities. To analyze this supposition, the paper first defines democratic participation and community building in the context of ICTs. Specifically, it reviews literature on 1) enhancing strong democracy 2) revitalizing sense of community and 3) increasing social capital. In section two, the paper then presents cases that illustrate the arguments for and against these claims. In the third and final section, the paper summarizes the potentials and limitations of using ICTs to build communities and increase participation. Finally, it makes policy recommendations for realizing the empowering capabilities for democratic participation and community building of ICTs.
From the Paper "To reach the possibilities afforded by these technologies, public policies must support an environment that fosters political participation and community building. It is therefore important that the public interest notion that is integrated into existing telecommunications policies not be overwritten with notions of economic efficiency as the basis for public interest (Horwitz, Robert Britt, 1989). As Schaefer (1995) indicates, privatizing the evolving network infrastructure for ICTs undermine the network's long-range potential to encourage citizen-to-citizen discussion of public issues (Schaefer, Richard J., 1995). Similarly, equitable access to ICTs through all strata of society is necessary for pluralist discussions to take place online."
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The Persian Wars and Greek Society, 2003. A look at how the Persian Wars acted as a fulcrum and incentive for change within Greek society. 3,870 words (approx. 15.5 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 105.95 »
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Abstract This paper explores how the Persian Wars changed the society of the Greeks, with a special focus on Athens. It attempts to compare the Archaic and Classical periods socially and culturally by using the Persian War as the fulcrum between Archaic and Classical. It also addresses the Persian War as the instigator of resistance that prompted changes within the classical period. It examines the changes in politics, art, literature, economics and intra-poleis relations.
Outline
Democratic Expansion
'Poliscentrism' vs. Imperialism ? The Athenian Empire
Economics ? Money, Money Makes a Man
The Progression of the Arts: The ?Explosive? Archaic and the ?Golden Age?
?There is No Growth Without Resistance? ? A Conclusion
From the Paper "The reforms of Solon did little to advance democratic rights for the Athenians, whilst he certainly took the first step in ending debt-bondage, it can hardly be considered a leaping bound for democracy. In 508 BC, Cleisthenes reorganised political groupings into a great number of tribes so as to break the strength of the clans. Cleisthenes then set about embedding main constitutional power in the Assembly; in spite of this the check of power was still held by elected archons and those of the Areopagus who were almost always of the aristocratic elite. The limitation on how far democracy was allowed to go was always in place. The Archaic Period in regards to the fulfilment or expansion of democracy, and certainly in comparison to the changes to be made in the Classical Period was more the planting of a seed - that would be later cultivated by Pericles."
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