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The Kosovo Conflict: Military Intervention and Humanitarian Crisis, 2002.
A paper which studies the structure and dynamics of the Kosovo Conflict and the humanitarian crisis management by the international community.
7,694 words (approx. 30.8 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 167.95
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Abstract
This paper explores the Kosovo conflict, its escalation in 1998 and its subsequent management. It is divided in four parts. First, it deals with the accusations of human rights violations within the province and presents diverse evidence from various human rights groups on the existence of such abuses. Second, it examines the Serbian response to these allegations and the reasons behind Milosevic's unwillingness to rectify the worsening situation. Third, it presents an evaluation of the need for intervention with regard to International Law and previous humanitarian practice. Fourth, it analyzes the diplomatic and military actions taken by the International Community.
Table of Contents:
Introduction.
The Human Rights Situation in Kosovo:
History of Albanian Mistreatment.
Allegations of Human Rights Violations.
The Serbian Response to Accusations of Human Rights Violations.
An Evaluation of the Need for Intervention with Regard to International Humanitarian Law
An Examination of the Accusations of Human Rights Violations.
On the Legality of Military Intervention.
International Action
International Humanitarian Action in Perspective: The Failure of Diplomacy and the NATO Bombing Campaign
Belated Recommendations: Was there an Alternative?
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The Bosnia and the Kosovo conflicts marked the biggest outbreaks of violence in Europe after the end of the Second World War. The instable political environment in federal Yugoslavia after the fall of communism, brought about the emergence of salient ethnic issues, which led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. The focus of this paper is the Kosovo conflict, the human rights violations that led to its escalation, and the international response that followed. Even though the situation in Serbia has changed and democratic parties are in power, the Kosovo question is still far from being resolved due to the mutual hatred of Serbs and Albanians. Moreover, the downturn of the Kosovo crisis gave credibility to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) as a political player, which has further exacerbated the situation not only in Kosovo, but also in neighboring Montenegro and Macedonia."
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Military Intervention, 2006.
A study discussing what circumstances are required before military intervention is deemed appropriate.
5,648 words (approx. 22.6 pages), 14 sources, APA, $ 136.95
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Abstract
This study attempts to evaluate the best possible use of military intervention so that universal standards of the use of military force can be established for the international community. The paper evaluates the dangers involved in both the use of force and in not using force and attempts to determine which situations make the use of military force appropriate.
Table of Contents
Statement of the Problem
Significance of the Study
Purpose of the Study
Rationale of the Study
Hypothesis
Literature Review
Methodology
Collection of Data
Data Analysis and Search Tactics
Discussion
Recommendations
From the Paper
"Generally speaking, the use of military force has been restricted to the expansion of territory and with the apparent needs of capitalism such as trade, finance and natural resources. However as of September 11, 2001, the doctrine of military intervention has drastically transformed because of the new threat of terrorism that has surfaced. This threat of terrorism does not appear in the form of state, nation or ethnic group, but rather in the form of individual groups who seek to solve their disputes by resorting to violence because they see the world and its residents as selfish and greedy who have failed to address their needs."
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Canadian Military Intervention in Afghanistan, 2007.
This paper analyzes the negative impact of Canadian military intervention for democracy in Afghanistan.
1,056 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 37.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer notes that the idea of a nation's independent sovereignty is the basis of proving the irrational and negative aspects of Canadian military intervention in Afghanistan's democratic elections. Furthermore, the writer points out that the link between warlord policing units and the Canadian military against the civilian population often contributes to governmental destabilization, which is contrary to the people's will. In essence, the writer maintains that the imposing interventionist policy of the Canadian military will have a negative impact on any form of developmental democracy in Afghanistan.
From the Paper
"The general definition of a democracy is the rule of the people to chose their own representational leaders in government. The will of the people in Afghanistan should be the guiding rule of law if this form of government is going to be implemented. However, after the military invasion of Afghanistan by the United States in 2001, Canada has decidedly taken the view that the country must become "democratized" in accordance with U.S. policy in the region. This policy is founded on the principle that the country must be under Canadian military control, along with other NATO countries, but has failed to bring any type of stability or order in the country to allow legal elections to occur. Military occupation by the Canadian military has often been a source of antagonism to law and order, as they often do not correctly separate "insurgents" or members of the Taliban from the innocent non-combatant civilians in the region. Alongside the military occupation of Afghanistan, the Canadian and American military have installed a warlord-backed police force to deal with any type of civilian rebellion in the region."
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U.S. Military Intervention in Iraq, 2002.
An essay that analyzes the issues of U.S. military intervention in Iraq if the U.N. weapons inspectors are hindered in their role.
1,513 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 49.95
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Abstract
This essay focuses on the national debate in the US as to whether there should be military intervention in Iraq if the weapons inspectors are hindered. The writer presents an analysis of the arguments both for and against intervention and highlights the position of President Bush and those who oppose him. The paper maintains that Iraq has attempted to create weapons of mass destruction and needs to be stopped. It concludes by arguing that there is currently worldwide support for a US led initiative and this makes it an opportune time to persevere in attempting to bring stability to the region.
From the Paper
"There is a nationwide debate-taking place about whether or not the U.S. should intervene militarily if Iraq hinders the weapons inspection process. The debate is not just across political party lines, Americans from all walks of life are contemplating this decision. If war is declared with Iraq, the U.S. and hopefully, their allies, will be looking at a military campaign with the use of ground troops, possibly occupying Iraqi cities. I believe there is credible evidence that Iraq has attempted to produce weapons of mass destruction and should be stopped."
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International Military Interventions, 2004.
This paper explores the justifications for international military interventions.
3,164 words (approx. 12.7 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 111.95
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Abstract
In this discussion, the writer looks at justifications for international military interventions and rationale's for intervention. The writer examines the regional and geopolitical history of Iraq and Sudan in this regard. The writer also discusses human rights violations. This article looks at relevant literature and discussions and compares the intervention into Iraq with a possible military invention into Sudan.
From the Paper
"This paper explores the literature and arguments surrounding the U.S. led intervention into Iraq, with justifications offered for an international intervention into Darfur Sudan today. The question posed is whether the conditions in Iraq leading up to U.S. intervention are comparable to those in Darfur currently and therefore whether they require similar armed military intervention. The paper concludes that the situations are dissimilar and only the conditions in Darfur mandate and authorize intervention. To answer the question the paper looks at the ... "
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Kosovo Serbia Conflict, 2007.
This paper discusses the roles of the U.S. President and the U.S. Congress in the Kosovo and Serbia conflict.
972 words (approx. 3.9 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 34.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer presents an exploration of the Kosovo and Serbia conflict of 1999. The writer examines the roles played by then United States President, Bill Clinton, and the United States Congress. Further, the writer examines the opinion of each entity and their agreements and disagreements with regard to each conflict. The writer notes that for some people, the defining moment of Clinton's foreign policy mistakes can be seen in the Kosovo-Serbia conflict. Others believe that he was completely right in his decisions during that time and that the true issues have to do with the way Congress worked against him.
Outline:
Introduction
The Overview
From the Paper
"The suit brought to light the fact that a President using the War Powers Resolution has an obligation to report to Congress within 48 hours of introducing hostile actions to the mix if those hostilities used the United States Armed Forces."
"At that point Congress has a sixty day period in which to declare war, or bring the troops home, however, the president can extend if for 30 days if that will more significantly insure the troops safety during withdrawal.
Congress and the president agreed that military action had begun in March. They disagreed whether or not the president was in compliance with the acts of war that he was obligated to follow. Clinton said he was following the war by reporting his decisions to Congress."
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The Kosovo Conflict, 2004.
Examines the Kosovo conflict and how the United States is and has been involved.
6,860 words (approx. 27.4 pages), 24 sources, MLA, $ 155.95
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Abstract
This essay concentrates on the U.S. involvement in the Kosovo crisis, especially in the aftermath. The focus lies in the new elections, the position of Congress and the President, and the situation between the U.S. and the European Union and NATO in this matter.
1. Introduction
2. Brief Summary of Events
3. Current Developments
4. Momentary Situation in Kosovo
a. Local Elections
b. Problems overshadowing the Elections
5. The Issue of Kosovo?s Final Status
6. The International Administrations
a. UNMIK
b. KFOR
7. Institution-building
8. The Economy
9. The Policy of the United States
a. The Administration
b. The United States Congress
10. Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper
"The Kosovo Conflict has been an issue for the International Community for more than five years. The European Union, the United Nations and the United States have worked hard together to end the conflict, manage the aftermath and establish a new functioning and democratic government with a stable infrastructure. This has been a very difficult task, since the United States felt that Europe did not put enough effort into the reconstruction of Kosovo and “wrong calls” have been made . This research paper will not deal with the issue of equal distribution of efforts between Europe and the United States, rather will it examine the developments since the end of the conflict and the United States involvement. The main question here is whether Kosovo should become an independent country or have some form of autonomy within Serbia. Further will be examined, if the efforts are successful and whether or not the United States should pursue these efforts. This will occur through an evaluation of the current development and the momentary situation in Kosovo, such as elections and the establishment of government branches. Also, a look will be taken at KFOR and UNMIK operations and their susses on the infrastructure and the economy. Last, but not least, will the policy of the United States be examined, more precisely of the Administrations and Congress. This examination of events will demonstrate the involvement of the United States and its effects. 2. Brief Summary of Events The Kosovo Conflict shocked the whole word. Pictures of violence, genocide and ethnic atrocities circled the globe. Between the years 1998 and 1999, the United States and its NATO allies attempted to put an end to escalating violence between ethnic Albanians guerrillas and Yugoslav/Serb forces in Yugoslavia’s Kosovo Region. This resulted in a 78-day NATO bombing campaign against Serbia from March to June of 1999. Nevertheless with success, Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic withdrew his forces from the province in June of 1999. Since that time, the Kosovo has been governed by a U.N. Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), under the terms of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 . A NATO-lead peacekeeping force, KFOR, is charged with providing a secure environment. The purpose of the U.N. resolution is to consider Kosovo’s final status at an underdetermined time after an autonomous government is in place. It seems that almost all ethnic Albanians want independence for Kosovo; nevertheless, the Serb community want it to remain within Serbia. In late 2003, the international community agreed to review progress in Kosovo and consider next steps in determining Kosovo’s future status by mid 2005. In May of 2001, UNMIK issued a “Constitutional Framework” for Kosovo. This framework provides for an elected legislature and an autonomous government with limited powers, but does not deal with Kosovo’s final status. Elections for the Kosovo assembly were held on November 17, 2001. About half of eligible Serb voters participated in the election, after being urged to do so by the Yugoslav and Serbian governments. Political wrangling delayed the formation of a government for months, but one was finally approved by the parliament in March 2002. It consists of members of the three leading ethnic Albanian parties, as well as a Serb minister and one from the Serb minority. In 2003, UNMIK completed the process of transferring designated powers to the Kosovo provisional government. The current Bush Administration stated that they support autonomy for Kosovo within Serbia or the Serb-Montenegro union, but do not think independence is a good idea. President Bush has stated that, while the United States is looking to reduce its forces in the Balkans, the United States would only do so in conjunction with its NATO allies. After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, Administration officials said that U.S. forces in the Balkans could be withdrawn if they were needed for the war on terrorism. The war in Iraq has also stretched the U.S. military’s deployment capabilities. The United States has not unilaterally withdrawn its troops, but cuts in KFOR troops strength in the past year have halved U.S. troops levels from about 5,500 to about 2,000 today. In 1999, The United States Congress neither explicitly approved not blocked U.S. participation in NATO air strikes against Serbia, but appropriated funds for the air campaign and the U.S. peacekeeping deployment in Kosovo. In 2000, several Members unsuccessfully attempted to condition the U.S: military deployment in Kosovo on congressional approval and on the implementation of aid pledges made by European countries. Since 1999, Congress has provided funding for reconstruction in Kosovo, but limited U.S. aid to 15% of the total amount pledged by all countries. In 2003 several resolutions were introduced that supported independence for Kosovo."
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Humanitarian Intervention: Rumping Sovereignty in Kosovo, 2002.
This paper is a justification of NATO's bombing campaign in the Kosovo War.
2,295 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at "Operation Allied Force" NATO's bombing campaign against Serbia during the Kosovo War in 1999. The history of the conflict is presented in detail, with particular attention being placed on the humanitarian needs of the population that was being devastated by this war. The author presents several arguments against the bombing, and discusses why these arguments are wrong, or do not apply to Kosovo. In addition to the human rights angle, the author also looks at the political reasons for NATO's intervention, first and foremost being, regional stability and the fear that the war would spread.
From the Paper
"Detractors argue that the clear acceleration of Serb ethnic cleansing of Albanians in Kosovo that occurred concurrently with Operation Allied Force demonstrates that the war did not aid the Kosovars; however, given the ominous signs of ethnic cleansing, the argument is insupportable. After all, whether Serb atrocities and ethnic cleansing occurred over one month or six months is low impact. Although the Kosovars did suffer much before the end of the war, the war's ultimate result-- protection from Serb atrocities and the fall from power and trial of Slobodan Milosevic-- will allow the Kosovars to more securely recover from the harm that they have suffered, and be more secure in the future than they would have under continued rule by Milosevic."
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2004.
Examines to what extent there has been an emerging international norm of 'humanitarian intervention' and how successful attempts at humanitarian intervention have been.
2,320 words (approx. 9.3 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 71.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that humanitarian intervention, defined as military intervention in a state without the consent of its government, has become an international norm during the period since 1985. Since the U.N. is virtually always the primary agent of intervention, the paper begins by analyzing the reasons for the U.N.'s increasing number of interventions and why they are moving away from the traditional model and shifting towards humanitarian intervention without consent. The results of these interventions have varied, and the paper discusses three precedent-setting cases from the early 1990s in which the consent of parties as a requirement for U.N. humanitarian action was downgraded. Limited, focused humanitarian intervention has been successful, as exemplified by U.N. protection of Kurds in Northern Iraq. When the U.N. and U.S. intervened in Somalia, however, they lost their focus and took on large and varied tasks. In that case, intervention failed. Intervention also fails when it is done halfheartedly, and force is not used even when it is needed. This is what happened in the allied and U.N. humanitarian intervention in Bosnia. For each case study, the paper explains how it set a precedent in U.N. intervention practice, then analyzes the success or failure of the conflict and the causes for it. The effects of failed intervention are profound. The paper concludes by evaluating the U.N.'s role as the primary intervenor in conflicts since the 1980s.
From the Paper
"There was evidence of "elements of consent" to this in Yugoslavia. Full consent was impossible because of the number of parties and disputes about their status, but through the winter of 1992, interventionist actions were based in consent. But the Security Council's resolution referred obliquely to chapter VII and implied that if Yugoslav consent stopped the UN would continue with its plans. Subsequent resolutions have been written along similar lines. Eventually it became clear that consent and traditional mediation would not halt the fighting, help civilians, or bring a peace settlement. Bosnia never requested humanitarian assistance from the UN, but 4 June 1993, the UN authorized force to defend UN safe area in Bosnia. This was a landmark decision."
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2008.
Discuses the issue of humanitarian intervention by examining the debate over Kosovo.
1,460 words (approx. 5.8 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 48.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that the use of humanitarian intervention in Kosovo was the right decision even though other people oppose this action because they see full military interventions, including armed combat and humanitarian aide, as a serious act of destructing state sovereignty. The paper then asserts out that the situation in Kosovo and other national breeches of human rights are usually an ethnic conflict in which an unscrupulous leader utilizes genocidal slaughter to control political situations. The paper also contends that, although many people wish that humanitarian intervention could be defined by clear-cut guidelines, these situations are always beset by ethical and moral dilemmas.
From the Paper
"United States, post WWII, has made markedly extensive strides toward a reversal of the isolationist tactics of previous years, and yet the value of such an idea is questioned by many as intervention frequently and almost assuredly leaves the nation and her allies' subjects of criticism. Additionally, public opinion also seems to be split in such situations, with some coming to the side of immediate and swift intervention; regardless to maintain international rights, others complain that the US has no right or business being everyone's protector."
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Darfur and Humanitarian Intervention, 2007.
An analysis of the case of Darfur, Sudan and the neo-liberal view of humanitarian intervention there.
4,200 words (approx. 16.8 pages), 18 sources, MLA, $ 112.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a neo-liberal analysis of the politics of humanitarian intervention with a focus on Darfur in Sudan. It shows how the Sudanese government fails dearly in resolving the humanitarian crisis ther and, in fact, fuels the crisis. The paper looks at the urgent call for intervention from the international community and discusses the issues and disputes that arise from this intervention. The paper makes its analysis from a neo-liberal perspective.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Introduction
Darfur: A Background
Humanitarian Intervention
Darfur and the Politics of Humanitarian Intervention: A Neo-liberal Analysis
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Last is the issue of resources. With the discovery of oil in Sudan, many of the world's big players, like France and China, have then taken a keen interest of the issues confronting the country. The confirmation of substantial oil reserves in the contested south adds to the country's geopolitical importance. This is evidenced in the tangled US history in Sudan has veered back and forth between close support and active antagonism for decades, first according to the vagaries of regional Cold War alliances and later the exigencies of domestic American politics. Today, the dominant concerns are the "war on terrorism" - and oil. Also, the factor that China is one of the biggest investors in Khartoum and the fact that China gets its supply of oil to fuel its skyrocketing development from Sudan says a lot in its passive response to the atrocities in Darfur.
"This was seen in the role that it played in the delay in the sending of UN peacekeeping forces in Darfur. The immediate cause of the delay has been attributed is the refusal by Sudan's president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, to agree to a UN force. He is able to get away with this largely because China, a permanent member of the Security Council, continues to protect him with the threat of using its veto. One reason Beijing stands behind Bashir is oil. China is trying to diversify its oil sources beyond the crisis- prone Middle East, and Africa is one obvious alternative. Already, 7 percent of China's imported oil comes from Sudan . Based on this, it is then quite clear that resources do matter in the politics of humanitarian intervention - an issue that is not given much importance in the neo-liberal perspective."
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2008.
An examination of humanitarian intervention and its use as a justification for interference in another state's sovereign affairs.
1,550 words (approx. 6.2 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 50.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses humanitarian intervention and its use as a justification for interference in another state's sovereign affairs.
The paper discusses examples of humanitarian intervention such as the United States intervening in the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The paper concludes that recent examples of humanitarian intervention have highlighted how, no matter the humanitarian outcome, there is political rationale for the intervention that is obscure, but which always justifies the inordinate cost of intervening in the open conflicts of other nations.
From the Paper
"The concept of universal human rights is deeply rooted in the modern development of Western civilization. As that cultural has expanded globally in the past few centuries, it has taken with it the notion that human rights can be protected through military intervention. But the reality is that humanitarian intervention, whatever its idealized goals, is merely a new justification for open warfare in order to secure political gains that can be had in no other way. Recent examples of humanitarian intervention have highlighted how, no matter the humanitarian outcome, there is invariably another political rationale for the intervention that is transparent or obscure but which always justifies the inordinate cost of intervening in the open conflicts of other nations or violating their national sovereignty"
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2008.
An analysis of the political, economic, social and religious factors that impact the decision of whether to provide humanitarian intervention.
2,620 words (approx. 10.5 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 78.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses humanitarian intervention and whether it is always justified. It then presents and discusses the complex political, economic, social and religious factors that often combine in the real world to present difficult decisions for national and international authorities when debating whether international humanitarian intervention is necessary or justified. The paper provides examples of past major humanitarian disasters and discusses the outcomes of humanitarian intervention.
From the Paper
"Ultimately, the complexities of international politics and the constant shifting of immediate national interests preclude the wide application of universal rules for determining whether humanitarian intervention is necessary or justified, for there are so many political, economic, social, religious, cultural, and historical factors involved. In the context of international politics, theories are not scientific laws, they are simply guidelines which help explain the intervention policies nations pursue, and which serve to reduce at least some of the confusion as to why nations do what they do when a humanitarian crisis develops somewhere in the world."
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2005.
A discussion of the current challenges of international law and the principle of humanitarian intervention.
8,055 words (approx. 32.2 pages), 15 sources, MLA, $ 173.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how we have recently seen an increase in the number of intra-state conflicts giving rise for a need for a new intervention agenda and how the traditional image of peacekeeping is one of the forms of intervention that the international community undertakes. It discusses the central elements of humanitarian intervention as well as the current challenges to international law that humanitarian intervention pose. It also considers the implications of the actions taken by the U.S. and U.K. in Iraq on international law.
From the Paper
"The United Kingdom and the United States would have to satisfy the test of proportionality, necessity and probability in order to be able to invoke a war against Iraq on the basis of pre-emptive self-defence. Given that there is no proof that Iraq was developing WMDs that would have the potential of de-stabilising international peace and security, the war against Iraq would ?violate any reasonable interpretation of either the Charter?s limited provisions for self-defence exception or the customary law of pre-emptive self-defence."
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The United Nations and Humanitarian Intervention, 2002.
A study of the legitimacy and success of humanitarian intervention (HI)with respect to the United Nations.
2,000 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 13 sources, APA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper analyzes the importance of reforms in the machinery of UN peace and security operations in ensuring that future humanitarian interventions are both legitimate and successful. The paper argues that the success and legitimacy of HI are inextricably related. On the one hand, legitimacy is important if success is to be attained. On the other, legitimacy of HI will be undermined if the success is minimal. The paper claims that since UN machinery has defects in both terms, reforms are very important to increase the likelihood of successful and legitimate HI.
From the Paper
"Humanitarian intervention (HI), which increasingly involves the use of arms for humanitarian claims, is undoubtedly one of today?s important international relations (IR) discourses. Being an infant IR practice, HI is still being questioned for its legitimacy and success in relation to its claims. HI operations by the United Nations (UN) in Somalia and Bosnia have been considered unsuccessful, while in Kosovo, it has lacked international legitimacy mainly in the absence of UN authorisation. In those cases, the machinery of UN has been named as one significant cause. Therefore this essay will look into this supposition as to how important are reforms in the machinery of UN peace and security operations in ensuring that future humanitarian interventions are both legitimate and successful?"
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