| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "INTERNET SOCIAL POLITICAL REVOLUTION": |
|
|
The Internet and its Social and Political Revolution, 2002.
This paper discusses the explosion in popularity of the Internet.
1,650 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 8 sources, $ 62.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
It explores the paradigm shift that it has caused in social and political relations. The Internet makes it possible for people living in any country, within any culture, or under any regime, to communicate with one another. As a result, this new technology has a profound impact on the social and political environment. More than anything else, it affects how elites can, and cannot, rule their people. To some degree, freedom may be curtailed, while in another context, totalitarianism will not be able to withstand the effects of easy and instant communication.
| |
|
Prominent Historical Changes Displayed through Social, Economic and Political Change., 2000.
This essay discusses prominent historical changes that occurred amidst social, economic and political change and highlights how changes in the same area, but from different time periods, manifest themselves in similar and dissimilar ways.
570 words (approx. 2.3 pages), 0 sources, $ 20.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The following paper looks at the way in which history is displayed through the social, economic and political change. It touches on changes in the American Society, Japanese society and the Industrial Revolution in England. In addition the author comments on the Information Age as well as the American Revolution and revolution in Iran.
From the Paper
"Prior to television, authority was a central influence in American society. Television has participated in a social upheaval, where youth culture has replaced authority as a major social force. Television is a medium driven by advertising dollars and the advertising industry is driven by satisfying the needs of people with disposable income and few consumer loyalties: young people"
| |
|
The Process of Political Socialization, 2005.
A look at the process of political socialization and how it contributes to the process of system destabilization.
2,794 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 7 sources, APA, $ 83.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper looks, first, at how an understanding of political socialization is an inherently important aspect of comprehending political life and then attempts to illustrate how a deeper understanding of political socialization can enhance our understanding of the role of socialization in political change, as opposed to political stability. The paper then uses the example of Egypt before the revolution of 1952, and then following it, to demonstrate how this process works.
Introduction
The Process and Theory of Political Socialization
Preparation for the Revolution: Socialization Towards System
Destabilization
From the Paper
"Socialization is a complex phenomena, analyzing and theoritizing about the ways and means by which children become social beings and acquire the tools that help them function in society, on cultural, economic and political levels. As the term itself, "socialization" implies, this phenomena is really a cultural one but, nonetheless, has very important political implications. As a matter of fact, socialization impacts many aspects of human development and, as such, constitutes an important area of study within the humanities and social sciences. The study of this phenomenon may be defined as an attempt to dissect the core of socialization and explain how the process unfolds, the manner in which it differs from one culture to another or from one age to another, and identify its determining factors. To date and in spite of a great deal of research conducted into this area and numerous attempts to attain comprehensive understanding of socialization, Stanley Allen Renshon, a Political Sociology professor and scholar, argues that socialization and, more specifically, political socialization, demands further research. This research is important if political scientist, not to mention sociologists and psychologists, are ever going to understand "the process by which the child develops into the citizen." Even though the basic process of political socialization, or socialization, as such is understood as the teaching of behaviour and the acquisition of behaviour there are many questions regarding the extent to which these learned behaviours influence politics and political systems. Jack Dennis, a Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin and, author of Socialization to Politics: A Reader, emphasizes the importance of this set of question. He argues that they are important as a means of framing an understanding of "the system relevance of political socialization." In this regard, Dennis writes that answering the "question about what effects political socialization has upon political life," is crucial for understanding politics. In other words, once the elements of political socialization and the process by which it occurs, in addition to the identification of the factors which influence it, are fully understood, political life will become all that more clearer to read. Besides the necessity of understanding political socialization as inherently important to comprehension of political life, deeper understanding of political socialization will settle a major debate concerning the role of socialization in political change, as opposed to political stability. Dennis states that the exact role of political socialization in the stabilization, or destabilization of a political system is a topic of debate: "The assumption that every system engages in some program of political socialization needs to be tested; and it needs examination within the context of alternative means for building - or perhaps undermining - the support of the system's membership." The above does not simply communicate the existence of a debate regarding the role of political socialization in political systems but, expands our understanding of political socialization in a very important way. In the first place, it communicates that different systems have their unique political socialization goals and processes, directed towards the teaching of specific political beliefs and behaviors. In the second place, it informs readers that while political socialization usually functions towards the stabilization of the present political system, if new elements, communicating contrary messages enter into the process, political socialization may act towards the destabilization of a system and the creation of an alternative one. This is an interesting hypothesis which requires testing. As a way of testing that hypothesis, this research will argue that while political socialization does communicate established and accepted political behaviours and beliefs, from one generation to the next, certain economic, social and political conditions might lead to the rise of alternate beliefs and behaviours, determining political socialization towards revolutionary goals which, once successful and expressed in the collapse of a system and its replacement with another, will, once more, function towards stabilization of the system through the communication of the newly defined political behaviors and attitudes. In other words, political socialization is a cycle, beginning with stabilization, leading to destabilization, and ending with stabilization once again. By focusing on the political socialization processes operating in Egypt before the revolution of 1952, just prior to the revolution and then following it, the manner in which political socialization communicates behaviour intended to stabilize, destabilize then re-stabilize the political system shall be explained."
| |
|
Internet's Role in Political Marketing, 2007.
This paper discusses the Internet's role in political marketing and provides a comparison between the U.S.A. and Germany in this regard.
1,985 words (approx. 7.9 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 63.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
In this essay, the writer discusses that the differences between the U.S.A. and Germany, as it relates to the use of the Internet for political marketing means, are also rooted in the penetration of web access. The writer points out that the International Telecommunications Union has emphasized that in the U.S.A., Internet's home land, people are allowed a higher access to electronic resources than in Germany. So, in order to catch up with Americans in the e-political field, Germans should first extend online facilities among homes and businesses. The writer concludes that the gap existing between U.S.A and Germany derives from both mentality and logistic reasons. The writer suggests that Germans should take measures aimed at commuting the old perception of the Internet as a fragile environment to a newer one that emphasizes the circumstances of an increasing number of Internet users worldwide.
From the Paper
"A second issue which is not neglected especially by those parties having limited funds refers to the low costs that a web site's design implies. In order to mark their presence in the cyberspace, politicians resort to specialized companies which strive to create representative sites for their owners. Being given the sharp competition existing on this market as more and more valuable IT professionals emerge, the cost of such services is very low in comparison with that claimed for advertising in broadcast and print media. Moreover, the price is expected to decrease in the near future and therefore transform the cyberspace into the most dreaded rival of the traditional communication means."
"The third aspect which lobbies in favor of the Internet is its interactive potential, capable of building a strong relationship between the candidate and a voter seen as a distinct person and not as a part of a mob with uniform characteristics or attitudes that can be easily led towards a desired destination."
| |
|
French Revolution: A True Revolution?, 2002.
A study on whether the French Revolution was a true revolution or not, through a discussion of revolutions in general and the French Revolution in particular.
831 words (approx. 3.3 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 29.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the issues which can lead to a revolution, and illustrates how these issues were prevalent in France prior to the outbreak of the revolution. The paper outlines the social, economic and political problems in France in the years preceding the revolution. The writer also explains that through all the horror and bloodshed, there were also positive and far-reaching effects of the revolution for France as well as for Europe. The French Revolution brought about great long term changes in the society and government.
From the Paper
"The French Revolution is known as one of the bloodiest revolutions in all of history, it claimed the lives of thousands of Frenchmen. The question that remains to be answered is, what was the cause for all this carnage?? It was during the years of 1789-1795 that turmoil arose and an outcry came from France, and in place of one of the oldest civilizations stood a new one filled with uncertainty, and the need to reform and build what remained of France. To reflect upon the reasons as to why such a revolution occurred, one must focus upon the main aspects troubling the country and it?s people at this time."
| |
|
Political Analysis and Political Philosophy, 2002.
A look at whether the problems of political analysis and political philosophy are distinct.
6,093 words (approx. 24.4 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 143.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
Political analysis and political philosophy are two human activities engaged in by men striving to know the world. The problems of political analysis and political philosophy rest on the problems concerning man?s knowledge of the world. The paper shows that such knowledge is the result of attempts to describe, analyze, explain and interpret the actions and beliefs of men as they live in the real, material world. This essay presents an argument against that school which would draw a sharp distinction between two sorts of knowledge, each type being the result of a separate and distinct activity. According to this school, political analysis is concerned solely with the identification and description of political phenomena. The paper explains that the problems of political analysis are, thus, said to be ?scientific? problems, directed towards the discovery of empirically testable scientific ?laws?. This essay shows that, despite its empirical orientation, political analysis is underpinned by a wider set of theoretical perspectives, such that analysis itself reflects elements of the observer?s political philosophy. The paper concludes that political analysis and political philosophy are intimately connected; many of the ?problems? are common to both. Each activity - analysis and philosophy - heightens the level of human knowledge.
From the Paper
"What is presented to the political analyst is a mass of apparently chaotic social phenomena; what Heinrich Rickert calls ?formless matter?. The task of the political analyst is to structure and give order to that part of reality he has chosen to explain. Already we have recognized two crucial problems for political analysis. The first arises from the necessity of selecting specific areas of reality for study. I shall discuss later the way in which a certain limited range of ?problems? present themselves for the political analyst?s particular concern. The problem-field is limited in such a way that the possibilities for different accounts of politics is itself restricted. The task of political analysis is also complicated by the fact that knowledge of the world is not immediately attainable; understanding is mediated through mental constructions and elaborations (language, concepts and constructed arguments) of real, observable situations and events. Thus, Aron says of the methodology of science ?all science is an elaboration or construction of formless matter? (2)."
| |
|
Social Factors and the Industrial Revolution, 2002.
Explores social and political preconditions of the British Industrial Revolution.
2,150 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 2 sources, $ 80.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper will argue that the Industrial Revolution came about in England and not in other countries, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This paper will also argue that the British Industrial Revolution was not due to any particular virtue or inventive genius on the part of the British, but rather as the result of a combination of interweaving social factors. Individual agency is, of course, essential to any social or political change; but the combination of factors which contributed to the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain were so diverse that they could only have come together by chance. In large part, as will be argued, this is the reason why Britain and not France or Germany, or China, experienced an Industrial Revolution at this time. All other Industrial Revolutions, it may be said, derived from this one.
| |
|
The Political Legacy of the French Revolution, 2004.
An analysis of the legacy of the French Revolution on politics in the U.S. and its likely impact on politics in Iraq and the Middle East at large.
1,631 words (approx. 6.5 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 53.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how, since the beginning of the 19th century, the legacy of the French Revolution has been ardently debated by politicians, revolutionaries, and political theorists. It looks at how the Revolution of 1789 was the origin of what soon became known as nationalism, liberalism, socialism, and eventually, communism. In particular, it explores its long-term effect on the American political system, Middle Eastern politics, and international terrorism.
From the Paper
"Collectively, the Revolution was also significant. Without a doubt, society in France and to a lesser level in other parts of Europe would never be the same. Once the prehistoric constitution of privilege was shattered, it could not be pieced together again. The Revolution did not essentially modify the distribution of wealth, but that had not been the intent of most of the revolutionaries. Insofar as legal equality gradually became the norm in France and Europe, the revolutionaries succeeded. The cultural impact is harder to assess. The Revolution did not succeed in establishing the national school system it envisioned, but it did found some of France?s elite educational institutions that have produced some of that nation?s greatest leaders. Its attack on the church had profound repercussions, making the status of the church a central political issue, which even today divides France politically and culturally."
| |
|
The American Revolution: Revolution of the People, 2001.
This paper examines the sociological roots of the American Revolution and argues that John Adams was completely right when he said "The revolution was effected in the minds and hearts of the people?"
2,192 words (approx. 8.8 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 68.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This essay traces the sociological attitudes of the American colonists throughout the pre-revolutionary period, as well as the American Revolution itself. Included are the reactions to British injustices such as the stamp act, sugar act, and quartering act, as well as more general trends in the thinking of the colonists. The paper also examines the way the colonists used John Locke's ideas to justify their actions. In addition, it traces how some colonial newspapers looked at the crisis, and the influence they had. This paper is a comprehensive examination of the emotions and attitudes of the colonists that led to and spurred on the American revolution.
From the Paper
"The protection of private property was considered imperative by Locke, and he reasoned that tyranny originated from government invading the natural rights of man. Despite the fact that these views were originally established in a time period well before the revolutionary period was at hand, the colonists applied them very effectively to their own situation. A number of Locke?s other beliefs and ideologies were bought into by the colonists. His doctrine of the supreme power of legislature, by which he meant to suggest that the British Parliament would have power over the crown, was used by the colonists to justify the idea of implementing Colonial legislatures that would have powers over the crown."
|
| Term Paper # 96822 |
temporarily unavailable
|
|
|
|
Social Revolutions, 2002.
A study of social revolutions, using Cuba as a case study.
1,600 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 52.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper presents an argument about social revolution. The writer uses Cuba as an example to illustrate and underscore the steps of social revolution and the problems that occurred during the revolution. He also compares and contrasts them to the problems the United States had during its separation from England
From the Paper
"Social revolutions are not a new event. They have happened all over the world since the beginning of time. One of the most studied revolutions in history is the revolution between America and England. America broke away from England and became its on nation. Later the US had its own revolution and that revolution provided the foundational basis for the country?s structure and operation. Revolutions are not a new phenomenon and have helped societies free themselves for many years. Another major social revolution that occurred in more recent years was the revolution between Cuba and Spain. Cuba fought hard to break away from Spain and be independent from the mother nation."
| |
|
Socio-Political Structure and Role of Revolution, 2002.
This paper discusses the role of revolution, amendment and interpretation in the development of the socio-political character of the United States.
2,260 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 2 sources, APA, $ 69.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The following paper discusses the role of revolution, amendment and interpretation as three important engines of change, each one differing in intensity and profundity from the other.
From the Paper
"It has been noticed that Revolutions have played the most significant role in bringing changes in the social and political structure of our country. This is because Revolutions are caused by years of social and political conflicts while amendments and interpretations are usually random events sparked off by some single incident."
| |
|
Socio-Political Structure and Role of Revolution, 2002.
This paper discusses the way in which revolution and amendment caused social and political change in the history of the United States.
2,260 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 69.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The following paper discusses the role of revolution, amendment and interpretation as three important engines of change, each one differing in intensity and profundity from the other.
From the Paper
"It has been noticed that Revolutions have played the most significant role in bringing changes in the social and political structure of our country. This is because Revolutions are caused by years of social and political conflicts while amendments and interpretations are usually random events sparked off by some single incident. Revolution, amendment and interpretation have all been responsible for bringing changes in the socio-political character of the United States. But the impact of some changes is definitely more profound than the impact of others. I feel that revolutions have played the most powerful role in the development of America's social and political arragement. This is because the changes brought about by revolutions are more powerful in their impact on the society and political organizations, and they also give way to other significant alterations. Amendment played the second most important role but still it stands in a distant second place, far behind revolution. Interpretation is the least important engine of change because we cannot recall any major political or social changes in the history of our country that was caused solely by interpretation."
| |
|
Political Humor in Politics, 2002.
The paper looks at the role played by political humor in providing both political information and comic relief.
936 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 33.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper discusses the different forms of political humor available and the range of media now available, from newspaper cartoons to digital clips sent by e-mail. The paper examines how political humor has become an increasingly influential force in the American political scene, with high profile politicians, such as the President, often becoming the main target of jokes. The paper portrays such humor as a useful tool in keeping citizens lighthearted in tense situations.
From the Paper
"In the United States, political humor has become a very popular entertaining form of entertainment, and is used as a way to make light of political situations and poke fun at the politicians that have been elected and are in the national spotlight. Political humor has been in newspapers and other forms of mass media since the elections of some of the first politicians. However, unlike the comedians of the French Revolution Era, political humorists today will not be beheaded for making jokes about the president."
| |
|
Lockes Social Contract: A Convincing Justification for the Political Order, 2000.
This essay examines Locke?s social contract between people and sovereign and how Locke embraces the people?s right of revolution, and assigns the sovereign reciprocal responsibilities to his subjects that Hobbes does not do.
2,160 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 3 sources, $ 67.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
To substantiate the social contract as a valid justification for the political order, I will primarily examine Locke?s social contract between people and sovereign, rather than Hobbes?s social contract among the people, because Locke?s theory is generally superior and more contemporarily relevant. I will first examine the pre-political state of persons, which is the state of nature, and demonstrate that rational individuals are compelled to enter society by agreeing to the social contract. Secondly, I will discuss the principal advantage of the social contract, which is that the government is legitimized by the consent of the people. Thirdly, I will discuss the principal advantage peculiar to Locke?s formulation of the social contract, which is that the sovereign is held accountable for his actions. To more thoroughly examine the validity of the social contract in justifying a political order, I will discuss a possible objection to the use of the social contract, namely, that the social contract cannot oblige any but those who originally formed such a contract.
From the Paper
"After the English Civil War, justifying political authority became a particularly pressing concern. After all, the nation fought a bloody war to determine whether its supreme authority would be King Charles I, who claimed rule by divine right, or the Parliament. Thomas Hobbes?s Leviathan was published in 1651, shortly after the Rump Parliament voted to execute the often-intractable Charles I in 1649. The chaos of the Civil War, regicide, and the establishment of Cromwell?s Protectorate surely led Hobbes to favor a sovereign with absolute power. In contrast, Locke?s Second Treatise on Government, published in 1690, was greeted by a starkly different English political culture. The 1688 Glorious Revolution, a bloodless coup in which the last Catholic monarch, James II, was finally deposed, allowed for the acceptance of the English Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights finally guaranteed the supremacy of Parliament and the political and civil rights of the people. Granted the historical fact of the Glorious Revolution, Locke embraces the people?s right of revolution, and assigns the sovereign reciprocal responsibilities to his subjects that Hobbes does not do. Although Hobbes and Locke ultimately design markedly different states, each justifies the political order with a social contract. The social contract does, indeed, provide a convincing justification for the political order."
|
|
|
