| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "INFLUENCE CIVIC ENGAGEMENT ARMS CONTROL": |
|
|
The Influence of Civic Engagement on Arms Control, 2008. A discussion of the effectiveness of civic engagement in influencing global public policy on nuclear arms control. 4,030 words (approx. 16.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 109.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper states that its research on the issue of civic engagement in global public policy confirms that citizens and peace activists all over the world have organized transnational networks in order to influence arms control policies and bring about change. Their efforts have produced mixed results, from remarkable success to complete failure. Ultimately, their influence on arms control policy depends upon their ability to generate public support for arms reductions, for public support translates into political pressure on government policymakers. The paper brings historical examples from the Cold War to illustrate this, such as the Cuban missile crisis, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty with the Soviet Union, the Salt I Treaty, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the START treaty. The paper concludes by stating that arms and militarism have been an inseparable part of every major empire or culture throughout human history and that this is a dilemma peace activists may not be able to resolve. The paper includes an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper "Civic engagement on arms control policy emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War in response to the development and deployment of nuclear weapons by the United States and the Soviet Union. After the fall of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan in 1945, the United States and the Soviet Union amassed huge arsenals of atomic bombs, intercontinental ballistic missiles, strategic jet bombers, and ballistic missile submarines, and it seemed that conventional battles fought by massed armies of tanks and infantry would never occur again. The general consensus among government officials and the public as well was that possession of nuclear weapons was the new measure of any nation's military power."
| |
|
Civic Engagement, 2007. This paper discusses nuclear weapons and looks at the influence of civic
engagement on arms control. 1,280 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 43.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract In this article, the writer notes that an examination of civic engagement in global public policy demonstrates that citizens have increasingly joined transnational networks to try to influence policy and bring about change. The writer points out that some of these campaigns have been very successful, some have had mixed success, and some failed to achieve their goals altogether. The writer discusses that in the 1980's, the civic engagement of millions of people to reduce the nuclear arsenals of the United States and the Soviet Union was a mixed success, for significant nuclear arms reductions were achieved, but nuclear war is still a threat to the survival of humanity. The writer maintains that many aspects of this civic engagement need to be examined and analyzed, not only because these efforts helped to end the Cold War, but because similar efforts are needed today to prevent new nuclear arms races from developing, both regionally and globally.
The writer concludes that examining civic engagement in global public policy demonstrates that concerned citizens have increasingly participated in transnational efforts to try to influence policy and effect change. The paper includes an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper "Criteria such as the signing and ratification of these treaties confirms the success of this civic engagement campaign, as does documented evidence that the nuclear arsenals of the two superpowers were reduced by fifty-percent in many strategic and tactical weapons categories, while other categories such as short-range and medium range nuclear ballistic missiles were eliminated entirely. This was all achieved without any direct participation by citizens in international decision-making forums, and was produced primarily through domestic political pressure."
"This campaign was legitimate, for the nuclear arms race had escalated for decades after the first atomic bombs were developed, and the nuclear arsenals of the two superpowers consisted of more than forty-thousand nuclear warheads by the early 1980's."
| |
|
American and Soviet Arms Control Policies, 2001. A comparative essay of the American and Soviet arm control policies during Nixon times. 960 words (approx. 3.8 pages), 3 sources, $ 34.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract A comparison of American and Soviet arms control strategies during the Nixon administration, including SALT negotiations. The author looks at the motives and intentions of establishing arm control policies and the type of policies established.
From the Paper "In November, 1969, the United States and Soviet Union began the first major arms control talks in the history of the Cold War. As stated in class, both sides came to the talks with different goals in mind, and there were even differing motives on the American side itself. The United States approached the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) with the intention of establishing detente with the Soviet Union."
| |
|
Jimmy Carter's Arms Control Policy, 2001. This paper takes a look at President Jimmy Carter's policy regarding the SALT negotiations. 855 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 3 sources, $ 30.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper explains how the Carter administration attempted to halt Moscow's advance through arms control however the agreements negotiated by the Carter administration left the US at a dangerous disadvantage by allowing the Soviets a first strike capability.
From the Paper "In March, 1977, Secretary of State Vance presented the administration's "comprehensive proposal" to Moscow. Carter's position included two proposals. One offered to restrict American cruise missiles to a 2500 miles in exchange for Soviet reductions in SS-18s from 308 to 150. The second proposal left both cruise missiles and SS-18s unrestricted. The Soviets rejected both proposals. This gave the US the chance to continue development of the cruise missile unabatedly, but did nothing to address the rising Soviet threat. The fear of future vulnerability led Carter to reinforce Western Europe, deploying 35,000 more troops, more equipment, ground launched cruise missiles (GLCMs), and Pershing II intermediate range ballistic missiles. "
| |
|
Civic Engagement, 2004. A look at different views of America's social forms of engagement with one another, with the world, and with its own history. 1,976 words (approx. 7.9 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 62.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines how the rules of American social engagement come into play, not simply on a personal level, but are codified and defined on multiple levels. Through a review of the books, "Bowling Alone" by Robert B, Putnam, William K. Tabb's "Unequal Partners", and Alan Dawley's "Changing the World", it looks at how the changing and evolving rules of social engagement in America invariably relate to how, as a society, a complex nation such as America is constructed on a socially stratified level. It also explores how America functions on a globally stratified level among other nation states in a social and civic fashion and discusses how, although social engagement with one's peers, with one's fellow nationals, and with one's fellow human beings may have grown increasingly atomized and absent in recent years, it does not mean such laws have been erased.
From the Paper "All authors see a fundamental lacking in the way that Americans relate to other Americans, how America relates to the world community, and how America perceives its political responsibility to those in need within its borders and abroad. However, all three authors, because of the different paradigms they use to view this lacking of civic engagement, offer quite different solutions. Putman takes a sociological paradigm to examine American post-war Baby Boon social trends, Tabb uses the environmentalist and international relations paradigm of America's location in a global society, and Dawley takes the historian's point of view, contrasting the Progressive movement of the turn of the century with American social movements today, stressing the contemporary lack of political movements to cohere and achieve similarly internationalist and civic political ends."
| |
|
"Arms Control: Toward the 21st Century" ( Eds Jeffrey Larsen & Gregory Rattray ), 1999. Reviews collection of articles on U.S. military spending during & after the Cold War, looking at global security, demilitarization options and nuclear arms. 1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 5 sources, $ 63.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
From the Paper " The issue of military spending and the size and power of the military-industrial complex has been argued heatedly for decades, but the discussion has shifted decidedly in favor of down-sizing the military and reducing military-oriented spending significantly since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the breakup of the Eastern bloc. The end of the Cold War has given impetus to efforts at reducing military expenditures across the board. Ever since World War II, the size of the military budget has been tied to fears of Communist aggression and the perception that the Communist nations were intent on spreading their ideology to every other nation of the world. The disintegration of the Soviet empire has not removed all of the threats from the world stage, and indeed that disintegration has itself created new tensions in some parts of the world as ethnic groups long.."
| |
|
U.S.-Soviet Arms Control, 1992. Looks at the evolution of disarmament since WWII, emphasizing the 1980s and the impact of the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991-92. 1,350 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 10 sources, $ 47.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
From the Paper "This study will discuss strategic arms control and disarmament issues between the United States and the Soviet Union. The study will briefly review the evolution of these issues from the end of World War II up to February, 1992, in the wake of the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the extremely uncertain and unstable circumstances which prevail as a result of that disintegration.
The Cold War (now declared "dead" in the aftermath of the break-up of the Soviet Union) stretched over more than four decades and was most terrifying in terms of the nuclear issues which dominated that period from the end of World War II to late 1991 when the Soviet Union was officially broken up. For the bulk of that period --- in the wake of the American bombing of two Japanese cities and the creation by the Soviets of their own ..."
| |
|
U.S.-Soviet Arms Control, 1991. A look at the uncertainties and obstacles in context of the turbulent Soviet politics under Mikhail Gorbachev. Includes strategic balance, mistrust, negotiations, the MX missle and Ronald Reagan policies. 3,375 words (approx. 13.5 pages), 10 sources, $ 119.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
From the Paper " If I were to become Soviet president, I would
not allow President Bush to talk to me the way he
talks to the current Soviet president. Believe me,
Bush would have to take me into consideration
because I would put strategic forces on alert just
to accomplish this aim (Shogren, 1991, p. H-6, c. 1).
.. Col. Nikolai S. Petrushenko
Soviet Parliament Member
A year ago, at the height of the period of Soviet liberalization under Mikhail Gorbachev, the problem of arms control .. indeed, the entire question of American and Soviet strategic forces and the strategic balance of the superpowers .. seemed to be a has.been issue. The new democratizing Soviet Union, or post.Soviet confederation, would be America's partner..."
| |
|
America's Civic Disengagement, 2005. A discussion on how and why Robert Putnam argues that civic engagement is in decline in America. 2,340 words (approx. 9.4 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 71.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines how America has been characterised by a dramatic decrease in civic engagement and how this decrease is not only illustrated by low turnouts at presidential elections, which reveals a fall in electoral political participation, but also by lower civic engagement through active participation in social and political organisations. Robert Putnam suggests that American society's civic disengagement is, in large part, due to the development of the television. The paper argues that, if the American society is indeed characterised by a significant decrease in civic engagement, the development of television and other forms of media technologies does not lead necessarily to a more 'politically cynical' society.
Outline:
Putnam's Thesis: The Loss in Social Trust is Responsible For Less Civic Engagement
The End of America's Republican Civic Engagement?
Conclusion
From the Paper "Mouritsen questions Putnam's concept of social capital by interrogating the 'civil' in Putnam's conception of 'civil society'. Mouritsen insists on the fact that Putnam puts largely the emphasis on a civic community that emerges almost spontaneously from the people, "from the microcosmos of society" (MOURITSEN, 2003: 651). Putnam's considerations on the forming of social capital are thus based on the assertion that voluntary forces emanating from the people, from 'below', constitute the foundation of a civic consciousness. Mouritsen therefore criticises a conception of civil society that appeals to a narrow sense of republicanism: in this logic, many social scientists used to see the civil society as a civic space emerging independently from state forces, according to the "classical republican ideology of self-governing citizens" (MOURITSEN, 2003: 652). "
| |
|
The Right to Bear Arms. This paper discusses, based on the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution, the "right to bear arms" issue. 1,090 words (approx. 4.4 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 38.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper explains that, today, the interpretation of the amendment has polarized the American people into two different views: (1) Those opposed to private ownership of firearms argue that there is no individual right to bear arms because the Second Amendment refers to the people's collective right as a members of a well-regulated State militia, and (2) those in favor hold that individuals may bring claims or raise challenges based on a violation of their rights under the Second Amendment. The author points out that the "rights of the people" means the rights of individuals; the right to keep and bear arms is an individual right, just as are all rights in the first ten amendments, the Bill of Rights. The paper relates that the phrase "keep arms" at the time of the writing of the United States Constitution usually indicated the private ownership and retention of arms by individuals as individuals, not the stockpiling of arms by a government or its soldiers.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Historical Background
Constitutional Interpretation
"The Right of the People"
"To Keep and Bear Arms"
"A Well Regulated Militia, Being Necessary to the Security of a Free State"
Conclusion
From the Paper "When "right" is used together with "the people" the right must belong to individuals because people are not a State or the Militia. Evidence shows that the only truly "collective" use of the "the people" at the time of the Founding was to refer to the people as they existed apart from government or any service to it. For example, the Declaration of Independence refers to "one People" dissolving their political bonds with another and forming their own nation, and "We the people" created the Constitution in ratifying conventions chosen "by the People" of each State. Thus, when "the right of the people" appears in the Constitution, it indicates a personal right of individuals, whether that be a right to assemble and petition, to be secure in one's person and property, or to keep and bear arms."
| |
|
The Right to Bear Arms, 2006. An argument in favor of the right to bear arms based on historical analysis and interpretation of the U.S. Constitution. 3,790 words (approx. 15.2 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 104.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper takes an historical look at what the framers of the U.S. Constitution meant regarding the right to keep and bear arms and looks at some of the controversial issues associated with this right. The paper then uses this information to present arguments favoring the right to bear arms. The paper also contrasts American policy on the right to bear arms with that of other countries and uses this contrast to further support the argument that American citizens should and do have the right to keep and bear arms.
From the Paper "When the Constitution went up for ratification, there was much debate in state conventions and two opposing forces emerged. One of the sides was the Antifederalists, who were against the government having the power to dispossess individuals of their rights such as the right to keep and bear arms. The other side was the Federalists, who were desperately trying to have the Constitution ratified and maintain a centralized standing army. The Federalists guaranteed that people would be armed so that they could stop a tyrannical standing army. The Anti-federalists were concerned that people could be overwhelmed by the established standing army without one explicitly written right preserving the individual to keep and bear arms."
| |
|
Arms Sales, 2007. This paper looks at how arms sales throughout the world have increased dramatically since the collapse of the Soviet Union. 2,071 words (approx. 8.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 65.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract The paper discusses worldwide arms sales during and after the Cold War. The writer explores events leading to the increase in arms sales and provides an argument that the dismantling of the Soviet Union launched an arms sales increase. The paper explains how selling arms to developing nations provides stronger countries with power because the stronger country can threaten to stop the sales or to sell to the enemy if the developing nation does not do as it is told. The paper argues that it is time to stop the cycle before the US and other nations become "bully" nations.
From the Paper "The collapse of the Soviet Union rocked the world. The entire industrialized society tuned in to watch the dismantling of what it believed to be the stronghold on communism and many of the world's problems. Little did society realize that the dismantling of the USSR would also trigger issues that would create concerns. One of the biggest surprises that came out of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet Union was the increase in worldwide arms sales. While most of the world viewed the dismantling and rebuilding process of the Soviet Union to be in keeping with steps towards world peace evidence has shown that since the collapse of the Soviet Union arms sale throughout the world have increased dramatically."
| |
|
Nursing Coat of Arms, 2008. This paper looks at the coat of arms design used by the nursing profession. 1,082 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 2 sources, APA, $ 37.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract The paper looks at the origins of the coat of arms and describes the coat of arms used by nursing schools. The paper discusses the many qualities that make nursing distinct from any other form of work. The paper explains how a coat of arms is intended to capture these key qualities.
From the Paper "The profession of nursing is an outstanding one, primarily because nurses are dedicated to their patients and are involved in an ethic of care. The concept of the person is central to nursing as is healing. A coat of arms is intended to capture the key qualities or the essence of what the nursing profession means. The main qualities which depict nursing can be represented through the components of a coat of arms. A coat of arms refers to a design that can be used to depict a single individual or a group, and this can be achieved in diverse ways."
| |
|
Small Arms Proliferation and Misuse in the Southeast Asia, 2003. A look at the proliferation of small arms and their subsequent misuse by criminal elements in Southeast Asia. 1,204 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 41.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper describes the impact of small arms proliferation in Southeast Asian region. It highlights studies that detail illegal activities that allow rebels access to small arms with which to perpetrate further chaos in the country by undermining vital aspects of basic human security.
Contents
Introduction
Small Arms Proliferation and its Impacts on Human Security in Southeast Asia
From the Paper "According to the "Small Arms Survey 2002: Counting the Human Cost" published by the University of Geneva, the total number of human lives lost to small arms has reached approximately 639 million worldwide. Relatedly, according to the United Nations, the current number of small arms around the world is estimated to be 500 million to 1 billion. Light weapons are found to be the principal cause of death in conflicts around the world with the vast number of casualties belonging to civilians. It appears that despite the numerous lives lost, small arms and light weapons remain largely available in the world.
Small arms proliferation and their subsequent misuse by criminal elements have not only caused massive deaths but also undermined the equally important aspects of human security. These aspects include economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security and political security. With the increasing level of small arms proliferation and the resulting instability and insecurity it causes, human security is threatened. It serves to prolong the violent intra-state conflicts, and worst, encourage the demand for more arms for more profit to arms peddlers and for self-defense of neglected civilians. It is in this context that human security is examined amidst the proliferation and misuse of small arms in Southeast Asia."
| |
|
Academic Engagement in the Classroom, 2004. Discusses how academic engagement can improve the education of a student. 2,536 words (approx. 10.1 pages), 27 sources, MLA, $ 76.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract The purpose of this discussion is to explore academic engagement and the effects of a token economy on students with emotional and behavioral disorders. This discourse will contain a literary review that will compare and contrast various studies that have been conducted pertaining to this topic. Academic engagement is defined as a combination of classroom activities, which include asking and answering questions, participation in tasks, writing, reading, and discussing academics.
Contents
Introduction
Literature Review
Academic Engagement
Token Economy
Discussion
References
From the Paper "A study conducted by Bean et al (1999) found that engagement in reading and writing improved overall academic engagement skills. Studies have also found that peer relationships impact academic engagement. Watkins and Wentzel (2002) found that peer acceptance motivates students to behave appropriately in academic settings. The authors found that academic environments in which peers were encouraging of academic success, students were more likely to experience successful academic engagement. (Watkins and Wentzel (2002) Greenwood et al (2002) explains that behavior is a significant factor in determining the amount of academic engagement that can be achieved."
|
|
|