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HRM in America and Europe, 2002.
Compares human resource development in the U.S. and Europe.
2,980 words (approx. 11.9 pages), 23 sources, APA, $ 87.95
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Abstract
This research examines human resource development in the U.S. and Europe from a comparative perspective. The research sets forth the context in which human resources management (HRM) issues have assumed importance in recent years in the U.S. and Europe, providing an overview of the field and then discusses ways in which the American and European approaches to HRM overlap and converge on one hand, and diverge on the other.
From the Paper
"Comparison of the US with European approaches to human-resources development must take account of what appear to be three different Europes. First there is the Europe of Great Britain, together with what is viewed in popular imagination as the special relationship between American and British culture. Indeed, the literature reveals a body of work that seeks to analyze the Anglo-American model, as noted by Keenoy. Second there is Western Continental Europe, i.e., the Europe of the Cold War West. Finally there is the Europe of the Warsaw Pact East, where a host of nation-states have since the late 1980s sought to restructure their economies to accommodate private enterprise rather than central-government economic planning."
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Revolution in Europe, 2008.
An analysis of social and political revolution in Europe in the nineteenth century, based on D. Mason's book "Revolutionary Europe 1789-1989-Liberty, Equality, Solidarity."
3,169 words (approx. 12.7 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 91.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the development of a number of social and political movements based around certain ideas about human behavior and society and the relationship between the two, during the nineteenth century in Europe. The paper focuses its analysis on the genesis, development and progress of these movements in the nineteenth century and how they are described by D. Mason in his book "Revolutionary Europe 1789-1989-Liberty, Equality, Solidarity."
From the Paper
"Wollstonecraft was dedicated to the primacy of reason, and it was her belief in reason that permitted her to conceive a world in which women might be seen by the world in a new way, a way that undid the violence of social norms requiring a simple, seemingly serene appearance in women, whose lives were thus molded to fit the dictates of masculine power in society. She also had a freed sensibility that brought her closer to an understanding of the true self. Wollstonecraft's language has a deliberate biblical undertone that is all part of her attempt to restore to women the human right of self-respect. Women resort to artifice in order to place the world, though such assumed feelings are awkward when compared to real feelings. She pleads for women to be seen as they really are. Her view is directly opposite that of Rousseau, though she begins with the same question, noting first that "either nature has made a great difference between man and man, or that the civilization which has hitherto taken place in the world has been very partial" (Wollstonecraft, 1975, p. 7)."
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AOL in Europe, 2002.
This paper discusses that AOL Europe, the subsidiary of AOL America, is facing a relatively difficult expansion time in Europe and the UK.
850 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 2 sources, $ 30.95
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Abstract
The paper states that one strategic mistake AOL made was to simply react to the "numbers" of potential users in the Economic Union and negated the rigid and carefully controlled infrastructure of the Economic Union. The author points out that the European cultures, which make up the EU, are an ever-changing patchwork of influences, ethnic backgrounds, religions and trends that blend chaotically with local traditions. therefore, the local ISPs, typically aware of these idiosyncrasies, are better able to market to the young net surfers. The paper describes the technological structure in Europe and concludes that AOL needs to rethink some of its technology.
From the Paper
"A second Polish company, ATOM S.A. is the leading private Polish ISP specializing in business and government customers. The company was established in 1997 as a wholly owned subsidiary of ATM S.A., a leading systems integrator on the Polish IT market. Until AOL restructures some of its software so that it can handle Polish, and the cyrilic alphabet with greater dispatch, neither of these ISPs has agreed to do business with them."
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Europe and China Trade Markets, 2008.
This paper discuses the comparative advantage theory and applies it to trade between Europe and China.
2,800 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 21 sources, MLA, $ 83.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that China's emergence as both an economic and political force has presented opportunities for Europe to develop or expand its business and trade relationships with China. The author points out that the comparative advantage theory dictates that, if a country can produce an item at a lower relative cost than another country, then it has a comparative advantage for that particular product. The paper suggests that Europe has a strong comparative advantage in technology and infrastructure compared to the Chinese market; whereas, China's comparable advantage over any developed economy is production efficiencies based on its vast pool of low cost labor. The paper states that China has taken full advantage of the benefits of globalization by developing the technology channels to handle the communication and transaction of international commerce and the physical infrastructure for the transportation and logistics of goods and services through a supply chain channel.
Table of Contents:
Europe and China at the Crossroads
Overview
Comparative Advantage Theory
Overview
Europe's Market Advantages
China's Market Advantages
Foreign Exchange Dimension
China's Currency Issues
Europe's Currency Concerns
The Economic and Geo-Political Environment
Overview
Off-Shoring/Out-Sourcing
Currency Blocks
Production Possibilities Frontier
Foreign Direct Investment
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Trade is of great concern to the EU and one of the major drivers in establishing a centralized body within which to set policy and coordinate trade agreements. Prior to the Maastricht Treaty that established the EU as a formalized body, the individual member states were seemingly caught up in endless internecine trade disputes with each other that precluded any sort of effective international trade policy to deal with an increasingly global economy. However, over the last several years, the EU has been much more effective at handling trade disputes between member states."
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Walter Laqueur's "Europe in Our Time", 1994.
This paper reviews the book Walter Laqueur's "Europe in Our Time" about post-WWII Europe: Recovery, European Community, politics, fall of Soviet Union and attitudes toward U.S.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 1 source, $ 39.95
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From the Paper
"In the period after World War II, the United States arguably looked past Europe toward the Eastern bloc more than actually involving herself with the issues facing Europe, wit the forces that would bring Europe to its present state of semi-unification and developing autonomy in a regional sense. While the U.S. may have seemed closely involved in the affairs of Europe through special alliances such as NATO and the United Nations, much of the interest displayed in Europe was really a desire to check the communists rather than to develop Europe or understand European internal concerns. Much of the time, as a result, the United States was resented as much as admired. Over that same history, of course, the U.s. has become more and more enmeshed in the affairs of Asia and the Pacific Rim. In American politics, the Democrats in recent years have been criticized for ignoring ... "
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Post-Westphalia Treaty Europe, 2008.
An analysis of transnational organizations within post-Westphalia treaty Europe.
11,750 words (approx. 47.0 pages), 54 sources, APA, $ 228.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how the concept of national sovereignty established by the Treaty of Westphalia has slowly but surely been replaced with one of supra-national organizations of various types, assuming both the authority and the responsibility for many tasks that were jealously guarded by the nations of Europe in the past. It examines the Treaty of Westphalia in light of these recent trends and illustrates how the actions of transnational organizations are Machiavellian in their very nature. The paper suggests that this represents a source of future conflict within Europe wherein only a supra-national body can apply effective governance.
Table of Contents:
Executive Summary
Review of the Literature
Treaty of Westphalia
Post-Modern Europe
Trans-Nationalism
Transnational Organisations
Essay
Introduction
Part One
Current European Political Climate
Pre-Westphalia Treaty Europe
European Spatial Development Perspective and the Issue of Polycentricism
Part Two
Three Types of Transnational Organizations
Transnational criminal/terrorist organizations
International non-governmental organizations
Part Three
Post-Westphalia Treaty Europe and Transnational Organisations
Summary
From the Paper
"The research clearly showed that the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 represented a demarcation point in European history wherein the concept of national sovereignty was established only to be replaced over time by a number of historical transformations in international law that have profound implications for the European Union of the 21st century. Based on the foregoing, it is reasonable to conclude that the actions of TNOs are Machiavellian in their very nature and this represents a fundamental source of future conflict within Europe and creates an environment in which only supra-national bodies can apply and sustain effective governance."
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Muslims in Europe, 2007.
A discussion on Muslims in Europe in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.
3,762 words (approx. 15.0 pages), 21 sources, APA, $ 103.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how the impact of the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001 and subsequent terrorist related events have had a profound and far-reaching impact on the situation of Muslims in Europe. The paper explores how the very structure of Muslim life, as well as the way that they are perceived in Europe, has undergone a significant change. The paper examines how, while the integration of the Islamic religion and culture in Europe was problematic before the events of 9/11, the situation has been exacerbated by the events of 9/11 and has impacted a variety of aspects of Muslim life.
Outline:
1.0. Introduction
1.1. Research methodology
2.0. The situation of Muslims in Europe: before and after 9/11
2.1. Historical antecedents
2.2. The impact of 9/11
2.3. Prejudice and discrimination
2.3.1. The media
2.3.2. Right wing groups and prejudice
2.3.3. The creation of terrorism
2.3.4. Polices and the Law
2.3.5 Religious intolerance
2.3.5. Economic Prejudice And Related Factors
2.4. Muslim Identity
3.0. Conclusion
References
From the Paper
"The youth, who now make up the majority of Muslims in Europe, find themselves in a situation of cultural and identity crisis. They are caught between their traditions and the culture of their parents and European culture. However, the effect of recent world events has worsened their situation and they find themselves in counties "...which either refuses to accept them as bona fide members of society or--often--actively discriminates against them on the basis of their "otherness". "
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The Return of Fascism in 20th Century Europe, 2008.
An analysis of the re-emergence of fascism in 20th century Europe.
1,850 words (approx. 7.4 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 59.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the rise of neo-fascism in many parts of Europe, especially following the collapse of the former Soviet Union during the early 1990s. The paper argues that this trend was largely in response to many of the same issues that fueled its origins prior to World War II, such as the scarcity of resources, ethnocentristic views, and the use of force to achieve national goals. The paper claims that, with the unification of Europe, the last few years have witnessed an increase in ultra-right-wing political parties across Europe in response to many of these same conditions. The paper provides an assessment of the degree to which Europe witnessed a return of fascist politics in the 1980s and 1990s. It also takes a look at why anti-immigrant political parties and leaders have attracted substantial support in these recent decades, and whether they represent a new manifestation of fascism or something fundamentally different. The paper concludes that anti-immigration politicians and those willing to sacrifice democratic principles in favor of force to achieve their political goals will continue to represent a force to be reckoned with by the national leaders of the European Union.
From the Paper
"Today, fascism has raised its ugly head once again for many of the same reasons that fueled its growth in the 20th century. In this regard, this brand of fascism is more reflective of its mid-20th century roots than merely being something "undesirable." According to Ignazi (2003), "The extreme right has so far consolidated its presence all over Western Europe. The reason for this breakthrough is multifaceted: from the emergence of new unaccounted issues to the creeping crisis of representation; from the emergence of proto-charismatic figures in the extreme right, well knit with the growing personalization of politics, to the increasing political and societal alienation and the dissatisfaction for traditional features of the political system and for politics as such" (2)."
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The Future of 'Europe', 2005.
This paper examines the novel "Cafe Europa" by Slovenka Drakulic, and offers insight on the future of Europe as a united entity.
1,550 words (approx. 6.2 pages), 0 sources, $ 50.95
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Abstract
This paper uses some of Drakulic's examples of cleavages between Eastern and Western Europe to define the obstacles that stand before a united Europe. It points out that language barriers, currency, nationalism, and distrust are but a few of the aspects that keep Eastern and Western Europe divided, yet many political scientists see a future for Europe in which these cleavages dissolve.
From the Paper
"Through encounters with border police, stories of traveling, hygiene, and personal accounts across Europe, Slavenka Draculic, author of Cafe Europa captures many aspects of the strong social and economic cleavages that continue to divide Eastern and Western Europe. The question provoked by the book, that is, the future for Eastern Europe and its acceptance by the West, is a complex one."
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Russia and Europe, 2005.
This paper discusses that Russia will never become an integral part of Europe.
1,810 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, after the collapse of the once all-powerful communist system in the Soviet Union in 1991, the natural progression seemed to be the prompt absorption of Russia into Europe; however, despite Russia's attempt to adopt a central government, the enlargement of negotiations with the European Union and the fact that most Russians want this integration, it hasn't happened. The author points out that geography is a major reason because (1) Russia, the world's largest country and more than twice the size of the entire continent of Europe, is seen by the European countries to be overpowering and (2) the border countries of eastern Europe--Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Poland-are now strongly anti-communist. The paper contends that the most important reason that this merger has not yet happened is because of (1) the difference in normative values, including psychological characteristics, behavioral patterns and cultural orientations, and of (2) Europe's remaining conception of Russia as an intimidating military "superpower".
From the Paper
"The security issue is two-fold, as well. In fact, there is a growing apprehension in Russia that Europe may come to dominate Russia economically, and may exclude it from the life of Europe and deny Russia access to Eastern Europe and former parts of the USSR, and that a new "encirclement of the Motherland" may start forming. These worries are not limited to the extremist camp and are spreading through the entire establishment of the Russian Federation. Many believe that this will lead to a new division of the continent, which is dangerous to peace and Russian development."
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Japanese Automakers in Europe, 2005.
A case study of corporate strategies of a Japanese automaker in Europe.
4,088 words (approx. 16.4 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 110.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a case study of the Honda company in Europe. More specifically, in an effort to ascertain whether or not changes are required to ensure the future profitability of the company in the European market, this paper compares Honda?s corporate strategy in Europe directly with other automakers' strategies in Europe. Whereas other studies have focused their efforts on other major auto companies, such as Toyota and GM, this study focuses on Honda and Japanese corporate strategy in the European market.
From the Paper
"The Japanese production system has been characterized as flexible, focusing on ?lean production? which is why many automakers are interested in gleaning as much information as possible about Japanese strategic management practices (Womack, et. al, 1990). The Japanese production system does not focus on traditional mass production methods, but rather uses a ?system of flexible production that is numerically controlled, reprogrammable machines capable of adapting movements to many different tasks? (Chapman et. al, 1995). In addition, worker in Japan are managed and trained in a flexible manner, learning to perform many different jobs instead of specializing in simply one (Chapman et. al, 1995). Production is usually organized in such a manner that ?just in time? delivery or assembly is available, which ?reduces the need for large inventories and floor space to accommodate it? (Chapman, et. al, 1995, p. 2)."
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Britain, Europe and America, 2005.
A discussion on whether Britain's future lies with Europe or America.
2,482 words (approx. 9.9 pages), 12 sources, MLA, $ 75.95
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Abstract
In an era of rising globalisation and in a divided world under a war against terrorism, to which side of the Atlantic Britain's economic and political future is likely to tend? This paper argues that Britain is likely to remain tied up with America and will rely essentially on the latter to determine its international position, especially if the U.K. does not manage to rehabilitate its credibility in continental Europe as a reliable partner and supporter of close co-operation.
Outline:
Britain's Constant Efforts to Privilege Its "Special Relationship" With the U.S.
The U.K.'s Historical Distinctiveness From the Continent
Political Pragmatism as a Constant in British Politics
The Emphasis on the 'Special Relationship' as the Pillar of U.K.-U.S. Military and Security Cooperation
Britain Facing European Issues of the Euro and the European Treaty: Britain At Crossroads With Europe
Britain's Political Class's Inability to Overcome Schisms on the Question of Europe
Britain Out of "Euro-Land"
The European Treaty and Britain's Vital Choice
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Nevertheless, within the process of decolonisation, the UK was faced with the dismantling of its colonial empire. The association of former dominions within the Commonwealth did not manage to make Britain's trade with former colonies flourish. Moreover, in the context of the Cold War, Britain had to realise its incapacities to intervene militarily in the world without the support and assent of the U.S.: this was the case when the Anglo-French expedition in Suez failed in 1956, making the 'special relationship' with the U.S. more unbalanced. Finally, facing the importance of its relative economic decline, the UK had to take into account the fact that most of its international trade was alimented by and with Europe. Indeed, Jones and Kavanagh recall that already in 1875, the UK's trade with Europe constituted 51% of the national GDP (JONES & KAVANAGH, 1998: 226). "
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Eastern and Western Europe: A Political Comparison, 2002.
An analysis of the differing cultures and mentalities and politics of Eastern and Western Europe.
1,502 words (approx. 6.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 49.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how Eastern and Western Europe have always been different from each other, both politically and socially. Clear distinctions have always been drawn between the two areas. It shows how from their ancient beginnings, shrouded in the mists of history to modern times, Eastern and Western Europe have followed different paths in their development. Even today, the political and social climate in these two areas is distinctly different, and it is obvious to a traveler that they are in one or the other without being told. This paper explores the divergent developments of Eastern and Western Europe and looks for the various factors that contributed to the different paths each region has taken.
From the Paper
"Eastern Europe is a region that traditionally encompasses all of the land from the Balkans to Czechoslovakia to Poland. Eastern Europe today is just beginning to recover from decades under Communist rule, and capitalism is beginning to re-emerge. There is a highly concentrated number of working class people in Easter Europe, one of the highest concentrations of any area in the world. However, despite this high concentration of working people, there is still a large amount of collectivized state property, a remnant of communism. Any strike or disruption in the workforce in Eastern Europe is automatically a political situation, because the employer is the state. There is also a high degree of pollution in Eastern Europe, caused by the rapid push toward industrialization forced on it by the communists. This pollution has lead to environmental degradation and a high number of people operating at less than optimal health in the region. Eastern Europe today is struggling; it is not thriving, but it has not yet bowed down its head in defeat."
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Eastern, Central and Western Europe, 2007.
This paper reviews Ivan T. Berend's "History Derailed: Central and Eastern Europe during the Long Nineteenth Century".
1,348 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 45.95
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Abstract
This paper relates that Ivan T. Berend, in his book "History Derailed: Central and Eastern Europe during the Long Nineteenth Century", discusses the perceptible insecurity of Eastern and Central Europe as it witnessed the dramatic rise of Western Europe to global prominence. The paper then examines Berend's failure, in the book, to draw the explicit linkages that might make the unfolding of Central and Eastern European history more comprehensible to first-time students. Additionally, the paper points out the strong and lucid organization of Berend's work but concludes that, while a generally engaging and well-written text, Berend's work is certainly not without its apparent flaws. .
From the Paper
"To begin with, Berend does a capable job of outlining the instigating factors which made it incumbent upon Eastern Europe to "modernize". Not least of all, Eastern and Central Europe was compelled to re-assess its own progress and economic system in light of the startling ascendancy of the west. Most crucial of all, Berend touches upon the fact that Eastern European and Central European nations felt themselves not only backward relative to the west, but also vulnerable to any expansionist ambitions their western colleagues might contemplate. In a related vein, the elite of the aforementioned nations was troubled by the fact that it was being consigned (indeed, already was consigned) to the continental periphery (Berend, 1; for a further discussion of Western European ascendancy, please see also pages 5-8). The inclusion of such sentiments in the book may seem a small matter, but what Berend has done is remind readers of how so much of what passed for Central and European politics in the "long nineteenth century" was motivated feelings of fear and pangs of insecurity."
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Globalization, Europe and Great Britain, 2008.
A look at the impact of globalization on the welfare state in Europe and Great Britain.
3,071 words (approx. 12.3 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 89.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that globalization has had some striking consequences for the people of Great Britain, for the people of Europe (principally Western Europe) and for the social policies geared towards assisting them. The paper suggests that globalization has been a negative force in the lives of working-class people and that, even if it has not quite led to the contraction of social welfare policies in Europe and in the UK, it has certainly served as the external impetus keeping governments from doing all they might on behalf of the less-fortunate. As a final point, the final part of this paper asserts that France has been relatively more resistant to the de-centralizing forces of globalization than either Britain and Germany, but there is simply no evidence that any of these three major countries have been able to escape the neo-liberal pressures of the global marketplace.
From the Paper
"At the same time as the United Kingdom finds itself burdened with a society that is more polarized than ever before, it must also be borne in mind that the state - courtesy globalization - is seen by many has having less control over internal matters than ever before. Furthermore, countries like Great Britain have been forced to acknowledge that the new logic of globalization splits apart the traditional coupling of economic growth with an increase in social standards; in other words, a country can grow more economically powerful without necessarily seeing the living standards of many of its working-class families increase (Mishra, 1998)."
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