| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "DEVELOPMENT QUEBEC NATIONALISM": |
|
|
Quebec Nationalism vs. Canadian Nationalism, 2006.
A discussion on why nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 10 sources, $ 89.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
It is very clear that nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada. While Quebec remains a province of federal Canada, the question of seceding from Canada and becoming an independent country is never far from the agenda of most politicians in Quebec, and generates immense patriotic fervor throughout Quebec. This factor makes Quebec entirely different from other Canadian provinces. For example, we never hear talk of British Columbia seceding from Canada and becoming the Republic of British Columbia. In order to understand this peculiar situation, this paper investigates Canada's past and, specifically, the history of Quebec with Canada.
| |
|
The Threat of Quebec Nationalism, 2005.
This paper discusses the threat of Quebec nationalism and looks at its historical evolution and future implications.
2,700 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 5 sources, $ 106.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to provide an overarching examination of not only the historical evolution of Quebec nationalism but also the implications that this nationalist fervor has for the future of federalism in Canada and the possibility of an independent Quebec nation. The writer notes that nationalism in Quebec is part of a long political, social, and cultural tradition.
From the Paper
"In the span of the twentieth century, Canada as a nation has witnessed and endured any number of historical events that have had a profound influence and impact on Canadian society. Leaders came and went; social policies were enacted; traditional conservatism was replaced with neo-conservatism. Arguably, though, one of the greatest and most consistent forces in twentieth century Canadian politics has been the rising authority of Quebec nationalism and the threat it represents to a cohesive Canadian federalism."
| |
|
Quebec Nationalism, 2005.
This paper discusses the characteristics and history of Quebec nationalism.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 8 sources, $ 71.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to examine some of the major characteristics both historical and modern of the nationalist movement in Quebec. The writer points out that while it is true that Quebec nationalism could be traced all the way back to the late eighteenth century it is more accurate to say that Quebec nationalism is a product of the 1960s and subsequent decades when the appropriate political came to power in Quebec.
From the Paper
"If ever there was a modern case of the conflict and confusion that can be brought on by nationalist movements, then Quebec is that example. Nationalism in Quebec has been at near fever pitch since the 1960s, though the urgency associated with the political movement has died down somewhat in recent years. Nevertheless, Quebec nationalism is part of a long political and cultural tradition that traces its roots back to the English takeover of French Canada in 1759. Since that time, the francophone population in Quebec has quietly (and not so quietly) nursed its resentment of the control the English have over them."
| |
|
Quebec Nationalism, 2008.
This paper deals with the Canadian Confederation, along with the formation of a Council of Federation, and what this means to Quebec nationalism and autonomy.
2,362 words (approx. 9.4 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 72.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper analyzes Canada as a nation divided into separate entities around issues of regionalism and provincialism. Canadians in general do not place their trust in the federal government but in the governments of the different provinces. The paper also talks about how regionalism became a force early in Canadian history and was then entrenched with the creation of the Confederation. The Canadian Confederation was an attempt to create a strong central government, seen by some as necessary to help the country develop economically. Furthermore, this Confederation was based on several principles intended to bring together the French-speaking and English-speaking worlds, and while this has been effective in setting in place an administration and a central government for Canada, it has not been successful enough to diminish separatist tendencies and inter-ethnic tensions. The paper asserts that a new effort to address these issues involves the creation of a Council of Federation, raising the question as to whether the newly formed Council of the Federation does or does not mean the end of Quebec Nationalism/Autonomy.
From the Paper
"Cameron and Simeon (2002) cite the rise in collaborative federalism, and they note that co-determinism in this context involves the two levels of government working together as equals or having provincial and territorial governments take the initiative on their own to act collectively in the absence of the federal government (p. 49). The authors offer a history of intergovernmental relations in Canada, especially in the period since the end of World War II, noting the growing antipathy of the public to increased executive federalism. The 1970s saw a growing regionalism and more assertiveness on the part of English-speaking provinces, with provinces less and less inclined to defer to federal leadership. More recently, what the authors call 'collaborative federalism' has become the means by which national goals are achieved, with some or all of the eleven governments and territories acting collectively (p. 54)."
| |
|
Quebec Nationalism., 2002.
2,400 words (approx. 9.6 pages), 9 sources, $ 89.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This essay discusses Quebec nationalism and the role it has played in Quebec's role in confederation and move for independence. As long as Quebec nationalism remains a strong force, the support for Quebec's independence will remain a reality within Canada. 10 pgs. bibliography lists 9 sources.
| |
|
The Development of Quebec Nationalism, 2002.
An overview of the progress of twentieth century French Canadian nationalism from Lionel-Adolphe Groulx to the 'Quiet Revolution' .
2,400 words (approx. 9.6 pages), 12 sources, $ 89.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper assesses the evolution of French Canadian nationalism during the twentieth century. It begins with the theories and teachings of Lionel-Adolphe Groulx, the leading spokesman of French-Canadian nationalism during the first half of this century. It then analyses the changes that Quebec nationalism underwent during the 'Quiet Revolution' of the 1960s.
| |
|
Quebec Nationalism, 2002.
Traces the evolution of the Parti Quebecoi from a social movement to a political power.
1,650 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 8 sources, $ 62.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper traces Quebecois nationalism from Abbe Groulx to Rene Levesque, from social movement to political power in Quebec City. For the first half of the century Quebec nationalism was only a social movement. In the last fifty years, political parties advocating independence for Quebec have been formed at both the federal and political level. The social movement has translated itself into a political power.
| |
|
Quebec Nationalism, 2002.
An overview of the nationalist movement in Quebec, Canada.
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 4 sources, $ 26.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the future of Quebecois nationalism and Canadian federalism. It focuses on the rise of contemporary Quebecois nationalism and proposes asymmetrical federalism as the solution to preserve the Canadian union.
| |
|
Nationalism and the Founding of Nations, 2007.
A discussion of whether it is nationalism which engenders nations or the opposite.
1,990 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 14 sources, APA, $ 63.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues the case in favor of the stance that nationalism engenders nations, and not the other way around. The paper points out that there has yet to be any real consensus reached among historians regarding this question. It asserts that a large proportion of this debate relies on the context in which the argument is made, i.e. the time-frame and historical references used. Furthermore, definitions of the terms "nationalism" and "nation" vary from one source to another. The paper attempts to define these key terms. The interaction between nations and nationalism is analyzed using the nationalist movement of eighteenth and nineteenth century Germany as a reference point. The paper concludes that analyzing the origins of the nationalist movement illustrates how nationalism preceded the nation.
From the Paper
"It has already been said that a nation is not something overly definitive, so how can we justify its existence? It is generally accepted that any nation of people exists because that certain group of people have something or some things in common; race, language, culture, history etc. But it is inadequate to define a nation by describing it as an entity in which all individuals share common characteristics, because there will always be exceptions to the rule. Yet, if we try to define a nation using only a single rule, e.g. the necessity of a shared culture, then we narrow it down to too fine a focus, and potentially exclude a large number of people who identify themselves as being part of that nation. Renan, for example, championed heritage and the shared "heroic past" of a people as the only required component of a nation."
| |
|
Nationalism and the Modern Nation State, 2004.
A comparison of Umut Ozkirimli?s work, entitled "Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction" and Stuart J. Kaufman?s "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War".
842 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 29.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines these two writers' views on nationality and concludes that, although Kaufman is more inclined to speak of ?hatreds? rather than ethnic identities, Kaufman also, like Ozkirimli, stresses the importance of understanding the emotional significance of ethnic and national identity when constructing a nation state, rather than the idea that ethnicity exists as a linear, enclosed historical trope within definable and easily recognizable boundaries;ethnicity is ?felt,? rather than historically in evidence, for both authors.
From the Paper
"The overview present in Umut Ozkirimli?s analysis is a warning not to dismiss the importance of nationalism, and also a caution not to accept certain groups? claims to nationhood wholesale and at their face value, as the concept of what constitutes ethnicity shifts and changes, depending on individual?s particular political alliances in a particular historical context. Ozkirimili?s work has a far more dispassionate tone, in contrast, to Stuart J. Kaufman?s Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Kaufman?s work, in contrast to Ozkirimli, is more stridently prescriptive in nature. However, Kaufman is also more rigorous in his use of international political theoretical frameworks to justify his suggestions to policymakers."
| |
|
The League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper discusses the participation of the U.S. in the League of Nations and the United Nations as an element of the American national interest.
1,730 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 15 sources, APA, $ 55.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper explains that, although the U. S. failed to support the League of Nations, America supported the United Nations because the supreme national interest of America was to obtain a world atmosphere in which the United States could grow its inner social values devoid of undue commotion or danger from the outside. The author points out that collective action via the United Nations instead of unilateral action was considered politically viable on key political issues. The paper concludes that the League of Nations and the United Nations disappointed hopes the following the two world wars because, in no way, can they be an autonomous political power; at best, the U.N. is a mirror image of the opposing interest of autonomous states.
Table of Contents
Introduction
America's Rejection to Support the League of Nations
The Historical Background
The Fundamental Principals that Lead to the Rejection of the League of Nations
America's Support for the United Nations
Using United Nations to Achieve the Goals of American Foreign Policy
The Fundamental Goal of Military Security
The Fundamental Goal of Political Security:
The Fundamental Goal of Stability and Welfare
The Fundamental Goal of World Order
Conclusion
From the Paper
"In the United States of America the major disagreement on both the groundwork venture and the refined Covenant of the League of Nations had been on the base that the League would function as an intrusion with the sovereignty of America and with the Monroe principle, that it concerned desertion of the traditional American policy, which had not been in favor of entrapped coalitions, and that the government did not have the power, within its Constitution, to insert such an agreement . Independence has revealed to be just so much freedom of action on the behalf of countries as is coherent with their responsibility, within international law and principles, to authorize the application of uniform independence or freedom of action by their sister countries. The League agreement had assured all States in their application of this sovereignty free from coercion by other Countries, and he who desires more is actually in search of the authorization thoughtlessly to ignore these commitments -- to refuse, for instance, the fair rulings of a properly established tribunal -- which is the German perception of independence."
| |
|
League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, $ 39.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
In this article, the writer compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations as international organizations formed to maintain peace and international cooperation. The writer discusses the League's role in reducing international tensions and its limited effectiveness. Further, the writer discusses the complexity of the United Nations as an organization.
From the Paper
Inis L. Claude stated that 'One World' is in some respects an idea land an aspiration born of modern interpretations of ancient moral thoughts and of rational estimates of the requirements for human survival. Both the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations were created as international organizations with a vested interest in maintaining the peace, preventing war, creating a mechanism or set of mechanisms for international cooperation and diplomacy and otherwise serving as trustees of ... "
| |
|
Nation - Nation State, 2002.
Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 57.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper
"Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of ?nation? and ?nation state? it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
| |
|
Two Nations Within a Nation, 2002.
A justification for slavery.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 6 sources, $ 35.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues that slavery was good for blacks. The author explains that the moral justification to slavery used by Southerners was that there was an inherent 'inferiority' in dark-skinned peoples. This meant that 'superior' races had a legitimate right to control them as they saw fit.
| |
|
Nationalism Yesterday and Today, 2006.
A research study looking at the impact nationalism has had on Europe and, in particular, the way in which nationalism as an ideological concept is perceived and understood.
4,357 words (approx. 17.4 pages), 19 sources, MLA, $ 114.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper explores the assumption that the views and theories about nationalism are to a great extent determined by the dominant theories, philosophies and perceptions of the age. In this sense it is a contention of this paper that modern nationalism needs to be understood within the context of the broader issues of modern and postmodern speculative thought. This paper also attempts to ascertain the way that theorists and thinkers over the years have understood and influenced the concept and ideology of nationalism. The study therefore provides an overview of the salient most cogent theories and perspectives on the changing views of nationalism. Additionally, the paper attempts to refer these theories and counter theories to actual contemporary situations.
Table of Contents
Introduction
What is Nationalism?
Nationalism and Ideology
Cultural Nationalism
Romanticism and Nationalism
Nationalism as a Social Construction
Hobsbawm and Geller
Summations and Reflections
From the Paper
"It is something of a truism to say that ethnic and nationalist movements have become a dominant force in the world in the past century. It is also relatively easy to forecast that the future of Europe will be shaped to a great extent by nationalistic imperatives and philosophies. One only has to look at the recent history of Eastern Europe and the Balkans for general and tentative conformation of these assumptions. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fragmentation of the region have allowed nationalisms and ethnic groups to emerge in many areas. And, according to modern theorists of nationalism, we are also seeing the invention of new "nationalisms" that are being constructed by political and ideological forces - sometimes with devastating consequences."
|
|
|
