| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY": |
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Cultural Anthropology, 2002.
Examines some of the common constants in cultural anthropology and how they apply to the field of cultural anthropology.
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 2 sources, $ 26.95
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Abstract
There are distinct relationships between culture, maintenance systems, child rearing and ecology that, when observed from a detached view, provide a wealth of information about all of the communities (and all of their permutations) throughout the world. It is the assertion of this paper that these characteristics of a people, regardless of size or any other factor, are common throughout all peoples and is thus used as primary markers by anthropologists upon which to base their work. Therefore, this paper will demonstrate such relationships and how they apply to the field of cultural anthropology.
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Cultural Anthropology, 2006.
This paper reviews the book "Saints, Scholars and Schizophrenics" by Scheper-Hughes.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 0 sources, $ 26.95
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Abstract
The writer relates that he/she was daunted by the prospect of reading and reviewing this 389-page book of cultural anthropology. The writer anticipated a long, dry dissertation on some obscure group of people. However, the writer discusses how he/she quickly came across these words written by Scheper-Hughes, describing her family as "a young and somewhat brash anthropologist and her offbeat, counter-cultural family: shaggy-haired, gentle 'hippie' husband and their three rambunctious babies and toddlers."
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Cultural Anthropology, 2004.
A comparison of native and non-native anthropological views, their methods, and responsibilities.
1,604 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 52.95
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Abstract
This paper attempts to outline and consider the differences and complexities of two different approaches to anthropological research. It looks at how both the ?native anthropologist? and the anthropologist who attempts to view the culture from an objective perspective ?outside? the culture under study, have a distinct responsibility to the subject of their studies and to the anthropological discipline. There are central differences between these two approaches, which become evident from an analysis of the specific sources. It also shows how the central argument that is put forward is that one method is not necessarily superior to the other, but that both have their own advantages and disadvantages.
From the Paper
"Both ?insiders? and ?outsiders? face different problems, take on different methods in gathering information, and have different responsibilities to the culture at hand as well as the discipline as a whole. One school of thought is that the ?insider? view allows for a more intimate and comprehensive view of the society without the interpretive distortion that might result from the imposition of another cultural perspective. However the ?insider? or subjective method of study also presents its own problems. For the anthropologist to obtain a complete description of a society as an insider, he must become totally involved in the life of the people, which requires spending long periods of time with the study group. The subjective anthropologist must be extremely careful about building a bond of trust with the culture."
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Representing Cultural Knowledge in Anthropology, 2004.
The purpose of this paper is to compare and contrast two ways of representing cultural knowledge.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 79.95
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Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to compare and contrast two ways of representing cultural knowledge. It does so by providing background, describing two systems and providing conclusions.
From the Paper
"Cultures are considered to be in the heads of culture members and the anthropologists who analyze them. Since anthropology is considered to be a science dealing with the description of human cultures, it is important to have accurate and reliable ways of representing and transferring cultural knowledge. The purpose of this paper is to compare and contrast two different ways of representing cultural knowledge in anthropology. It will do so by providing background information detailing the basic needs of a representational system describing..."
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Cultural Anthropology Critique, 2008.
This paper provides a critique of three articles: Richa Nagar's "Exploring Methodological Borderlands through Oral Narratives", Faranak Miraftab's "Can You Belly Dance?" and Oyeronke Oyewumi's "Visualizing the Body: Western Theories and African Subjects".
1,522 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 50.95
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Abstract
This critical review comments on the themes, methodological challenges, suggestions and perspectives in the three articles: Nagar's "Exploring Methodological Borderlands through Oral Narratives", Miraftab's "Can you Belly Dance?" and Oyewumi's "Visualizing the Body: Western Theories and African Subjects". The writer maintains that these articles all fall within the tradition of feminist contributions to the re-evaluation of difficult challenges that arise within the fields of social anthropology and ethnography. Each adopts a very different approach, but all are thought-provoking, especially because none of the authors is a typical social anthropologist. The writer concludes that all three articles offer different insights and advice. However, the three are welcome voices, in that they smash the typical stereotype of white, Western, usually male cultural anthropologists.
From the Paper
"This traditional situation is subverted by the women researchers in these three articles. For example, Nagar is a young, unmarried woman, from a lower-middle class Hindu family in India, who has affiliations with Western universities, as well as a white boyfriend in the USA. She is multilingual, well educated and a part of the elite in the sense of being globally mobile and funded to do research. In that sense, she is entirely different from the people she researches. On the other hand, when she researches the Asian community of Dar Es Salaam, she has sufficient common ground with some of them - e.g. being Asian, being Hindu, sharing languages, ability to adopt approved clothing styles, such as salwaar kameez, or a sari, depending on context - that she can frequently be accepted by these communities as an insider. This positions her vis-a-vis the communities she studies in an utterly different position than if she had been a white, American man, who quite obviously could not simply don a sari and blend into a social group of Asians in Dar es Salaam! This unusual situation on the one hand puts her in a much less powerful - for example, the American male would probably not be sexually propositioned by an interviewee. However, her entree into these communities must surely enable her to gain more understanding of the communities."
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Political and Economic Anthropology, 2008.
This paper reflects on two chapters in Robert Lavenda and Emily Schultz's "Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology".
1,065 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 1 source, APA, $ 37.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Lavina and Schultz in "Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology" see political anthropology as the study of power, political ideology, political economy, political organization, social stratification, social control and law, status and role and much later ideas of nationalism and hegemony. The author points out that, in 'economic anthropology', all societies are reported to show a form of material life that can be explained in terms of production, exchange or related material culture, which dictates the types of laws and political practices in that society. The paper states that the study of emergencies, crises or wars tells a good deal about matters of nationalism, hegemony and leadership as reactions of weakness to situations that are unpredictable, such as the strong instinct for 'communitas' that was seen when the United States experienced 9/11.
From the Paper
"Some anthropologists like to study how societies cope with unnatural situations or crises. For instance, if a society has known famine and starvation, or is in a climate that means food can be grown or found only for part of the year, there will be effort to save food for hard times. If the food supply is year-round and easily found, there will be less of this planning ahead. What is very valuable will be guarded by law that can mean tradable goods of high value or perhaps special religious items that no ordinary person is to touch."
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Psychological Anthropology, 2005.
An analysis of psychological anthropology and how culture and personality intermix.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 4 sources, $ 71.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at psychological anthropology through many methods. It looks at the definition itself, how older and contemporary psychological anthropologists analyze their own work, and how personality and culture intermix. The paper looks closely at a few specific sub-categories, such as Freud, madness, and primitive cultures. The paper analyzes it in connection to personality, culture, emotion, madness and primitive cultures.
From the Paper
" Psychological Anthropology: A Universal Process Psychological anthropology is an attempt to discover the dynamics of group differences, often via means of close observation and study of a particular theme or culture. It combines the attributes of psychology and anthropology in an endeavor detect similarities between human beings in personal, social and cultural settings. Many scholars have defined their field using distinct nuances, as cater to their brand of craft, but underlying all psychological anthropology is a cultural analysis that aims to discover inherent qualities within us all. Bourguignon (1979), a psychological anthropologist, spent time analyzing the link between classic anthropology--in which scholars studied primitive cultures--and elements of psychology, such as Freud's psychoanalysis of the psychology of childhood development--or the issues of childhood projecting into adulthood."
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Violence and Culture: From A Bioanthropologist Standpoint, 2002.
A study of violence in ancient cultures from an anthropological viewpoint.
1,710 words (approx. 6.8 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 55.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how anthropologists have studied violence in prehistoric cultures using skeletal evidence from human remains. By studying the physical evidence of warfare they are able to devise conclusions about how and why the violence occurred. The paper discusses the debate over the definition of warfare and violence. It shows how prehistoric cultures left evidence of many kinds of violence that we have interpreted as things such as, sacrifices, cannibalism, human trophy pieces, scalping and so on.
From the Paper
"Some anthropologists try to look at our prehistory past to find the causation of modern crimes, and are also in search of a more peaceful way of living. Looking for causation patterns in the past seems like a good idea but it does not account for all. Walker believes that ?battered child syndrome? did not result from past conduct since it most often arises from ?lack of surveillance and weakened social control?. He concludes that in large kin groups there would be no privacy and therefore strengthened social control over such behavior. The notion of looking to the past for ideas of living more peacefully, would not be a worthy concept since all ?peaceful periods have always been punctuated by episodes of warfare and violence.? (Walker, 2001) In addition, LeBlanc agrees that there is no reason to believe in a purely peaceful society, but he also points out that there was no reason to believe in showing warfare."
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Darwinian Anthropology and Evolutionary Psychology, 2002.
This paper compares and contrasts the two major views of the cultural development of humans: Darwinian Anthropology and Evolutionary Psychology.
1,720 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 55.95
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Abstract
The writer explores the similarity between the two theories in that each acknowledges the evolutionary mechanisms for behavior that have been inherited. The rest of the paper highlights the ways in which the theories diverge: Darwinian Anthropology feels these are secondary to modern cultural influence while Evolutionary Psychology feels they are primary in explaining how and why we behave as we do.
From the Paper
"Many feel that a combination of the two theories is a viable solution to the differences and weaknesses we have found. While this is not a direct comparison of our two original theories, it is important to look at ways in which they could coexist. These coevolutionary theories combine the study of current adaptations in current culture to help understand the evolution of mechanisms which initially drive the culture. The inverse is also true; studying the mechanisms of evolution in the human mind helps to understand why we behave as we do in modern society."
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"Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspectives", 2004.
A review and critique of the anthropology textbook, "Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspectives," by Caroline B. Brettell and Carolyn F. Sargent.
4,824 words (approx. 19.3 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 123.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a section-by-section review of the anthropology textbook, "Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspectives," compiled by Caroline B. Brettell and Carolyn F. Sargent. The paper provides examples from each chapter of the book. Each section of the book deals with the myriad and diverse studies of gender.
From the Paper
"One very interesting angle on the study of man and woman in prehistory is provided by Lila Leibowitz (?Perspectives on the Evolution of Sex Differences?), who provided a detailed account of primates? male-female roles. In the end, after writing an intriguing article, Leibowitz concludes that there is currently a ?distorted? collection of evidence as to the gender roles in primates. Her hypothesis is very compelling, and she does not seem to be elitist in the least (which sometimes happens with scholars whose knowledge far surpasses the lay person). She explains that her hypothesis is presented in response ?to a spate of evolutionary theories which stress that our sex-role destiny along with our sexual anatomy was settled a long time ago.? Clearly she does not espouse a rigid view of the evolution of physical differences between men and women, and how sex roles came about. She calls for more study of the existing data."
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The Socio-Cultural Aspects of Dealing with Death, 2001.
An anthropological view of the way various different cultures treat death.
3,483 words (approx. 13.9 pages), 12 sources, $ 98.95
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From the Paper
"While no one may ever know the extent to which early humans experienced pathos associated with death, it is evident that dying was more than a simple biological function to these creatures. However, while humankind's past regarding dealing with death may remain a mystery, much ethnographic research has been done on present day cultures surrounding the phenomenon of death. Anthropology provides various strategies to classify a certain culture's theories about death, the entire veil of order and meaning that societies construct against the chaos posed by death. "
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Cultural Evolution vs. Biological Evolution, 2008.
A comparison and contrast over cultural evolution with biological evolution.
1,583 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 51.95
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Abstract
This paper explains the concept of cultural evolution and compares and contrasts cultural evolution with biological evolution. The paper discusses the effect of the historical or cultural environment on the development of cultural evolution and looks at the study of cultural anthropology and the various opinions that exist on the ability for evolution of culture to occur at all.
From the Paper
"The social sciences must take into consideration cultural perceptions, even if these perceptions are biologically in error. The human race has far more in common with one another than it has differences, but culturally individuals have perceived and classified other individuals according to 'races,' including Darwin himself in some of his less enlightened moments. Cultural evolution and anthropology aims to understand how these perceptions have affected human culture, but biological evolution merely takes note of this factual error. Obviously, the biological fiction of race, and the fact that an apparently Caucasian individual can have the genetic material of someone who is African, even if these traits are not dominant in his or her physical configuration, acts as a profound question to the assumptions of our culture. The limits of our own culture challenge the idea that there is a linear, positive progress to cultural evolution of ideas and practices (such as industrialization making the world less habitable). The insight biological evolution provides about race shows that there can be fruitful methodological dialogue between cultural and biological evolutionists, but the two approaches will never study the same discipline, nor can the use the same methods. The biological question: 'Are there races within the human species' is a different question than the cultural query: 'why do cultures continue to subscribe to the divisive idea that there are innate differences between different groups of the human species?""
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Cultural Baggage, 2002.
This paper looks at how cultural baggage can influence anthroplogical findings.
1,320 words (approx. 5.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the problems of ethnocentricity and cultural baggage in anthropology using the huge difference in Mead and Freeman's research on adolescence in Samoa as an example.
From the Paper
"One of the cornerstones of anthropological thinking is the idea that in studying a society it is important not to judge it by our own standards but to try to understand it from its members? cultural viewpoint. By avoiding ethnocentricity we see the irrelevance of comparing or, even worse, ranking societies by how ?westernised? they are (for example GNP, cars per capita, literacy rates etc). However, even if we can get past the ?we are right, they are wrong? view of other societies, it is impossible to completely put aside our own cultural upbringing and preconceptions. Geertz (1988) states that, however much one tries, it is impossible for an anthropologist?s writing to escape the influence of his/her social and educational background. This ?cultural baggage? may not be obvious to an audience with a similar background but as the author?s own society changes it becomes more obvious. Evans-Pritchard, in his work with the Azande, was one of the first anthropologists to make a deliberate effort to understand the validity of his subjects? beliefs and practices from their cultural viewpoint but to a modern reader his colonial era attitudes and prejudices are clear. Even something as fundamental as language forms part of our cultural baggage."
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Human Remains and Anthropology, 2002.
An analysis of the importance of the study of human remains to anthropologists
1,900 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 9 sources, $ 71.95
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Abstract
This paper addresses the importance of studying human remains, which are arguably the most important evidence that the anthropologist can consider. Inferring the living conditions of the subjects requires anthropologists to compare human remains found in the field with standards established by the enormous body of data from other studies of human remains. The anthropology of human remains reflects social dynamics in an informative fashion, both medical and cultural. The paper addresses evidence found in bones, teeth, and mummified soft tissues, and links it to current findings in medical and cultural anthropology.
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Anthropology in the Arctic North, 2004.
An analysis of the cultural adaptations to environmental conditions in the Arctic North.
1,029 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 36.95
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Abstract
Discussing how the people of the North Arctic region had to adjust according to the various environmental factors over time. An examination of their cultural development from an anthropological point of view.
From the Paper
"The first human occupation of the Americas occurred in Berengia during the last glaciation of the region. Later, it was more widely accepted that the primary center of population expansion was in Alaska, subsequently spreading into the Canadian Arctic and Greenland. The physical environment of the populated regions influenced the developing cultures of each group, affected by access to resources, barriers to trade routes, and weather and land conditions. As a result of environmental impact, religion, technological adaptations, economy and food source acquirement varied among the cultural populations, and is still seen in ethnic societies of the Arctic region today, evidence of the cultural sustainability of such adapted groups."
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