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U.S. Aid to Latin America, 1990.
This paper examines U.S. policy concerning financial assistance to Latin America, through the various U.S. presidencies, Theodore Roosevelt to Reagan: Politics, financial & military aid, intervention, human rights, anti-communist issues, Good Neighbor Po
7,875 words (approx. 31.5 pages), 18 sources, $ 135.95
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From the Paper
"The purpose of this research is to examine U.S. policy concerning financial assistance to Latin America, through the various U.S. presidencies, from the administration of Theodore Roosevelt to the present day. The plan of the research will be to set forth the principal elements of economic assistance in each succeeding administration, discussing as appropriate the specific policies and programs that have informed such assistance through the years.
As a practical matter, financial assistance to Latin America began in the twentieth century with the accession of Theodore Roosevelt to the presidency. The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, promulgated in 1904 by President Theodore Roosevelt, did not treat the subject of foreign aid to Latin America specifically, but it laid the groundwork for a whole ... "
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U.S.-Indonesia Foreign Relations, 2004.
The impacts of U.S. foreign policy in Indonesia during the Cold War era and Indonesia's role and importance.
2,300 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
The paper offers arguments on the importance of the U.S.-Indonesia relations during the Cold War era. The main point that this paper reflects is how the potential spread of Communism in Indonesia paved the way for the infiltration of U.S. foreign policy into Indonesia's domestic and foreign affairs. U.S. interest in Indonesia focused mainly on the country's abundance of natural resources and location, and the U.S. attempted to dissuade Indonesia from falling into Communist hands.
From the Paper
?With Sukarno spearheading the quest for Indonesia Merdeka, Indonesian demands for independence grew dramatically, prompting the colonial government to withdraw from its Ethical Policy commitments by the late 1920s. Fearing potential surges of nationalist movements, the leaders of PNI were arrested and later tried. Among others, Sukarno was arrested in December 1929 and put on trial for sedition in 1930, after which he was found guilty and sentenced to four years in prison. The imprisonment of the party leaders led to the dissolution of the PNI in April 1931. The split was thought to have been triggered by disparities in approaches to the nationalist movement, each with ethnic overtones. Furthermore, fueled by their intolerance of radical nationalist movements, the Dutch government formally banned a new stream of nationalist movement in the form of Partindo (Indonesian Party), which replaced the PNI as the new dominant force in nationalist movement."
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U.S.-U.S.S.R. Relations during the Cold War, 2005.
A look at the rise in the Soviet Union's power and the deterioration in U.S.-U.S.S.R. relations after WWII.
819 words (approx. 3.3 pages), 2 sources, APA, $ 29.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses and analyzes three important events before and during the Cold War period that chronicle the eventual erosion of the ?Grand Alliance? between U.S. and U.S.S.R. These three events are enumerated as follows: (1) the breakdown of U.S.-U.S.S.R. ties after WWII due to socio-political differences and incompatibilities; (2) integration of the Marxist-Leninist ideology into Russian society after WWII; and (3) U.S. President Harry Truman?s declaration of his containment policy against Communist countries, with a special focus on U.S.S.R.
From the Paper
"The Cold War, a long-term conflict between the Communist states in the Eastern region and the United States, began after WWII, wherein the rise in the popularity and increasing influence of Socialist (Communist) ideology was happening. While the rise of Communism became popular in USSR, China, and other countries like Vietnam and Korea, United States centered its attention in curbing Communism through the Soviet Union, since the nation is the prime mover in embracing and applying Marx?s ideology of a socialist society."
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U.S. Cold War Foreign Policy Failures, 2002.
This paper discusses that the foreign policy failures of the U.S. in Cuba and Vietnam were the results of a foreign policy based on Cold War ideology.
2,040 words (approx. 8.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 64.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the American failures in Cuba and Vietnam in the 1960s were due in large part to the fear, arrogance and ignorance of Cold War containment policies that developed in the aftermath of World War II. The author believes that the problem was the assumption that all political and economic reform movements in Third World nations were not indigenous but were inspired instead by the evil Communist leaders of the Soviet Union. The author states that once this Cold War policy was in effect, no leader of the U.S. had the courage, wisdom or political independence to try to alter fully that policy.
From the Paper
"Kennedy certainly entered office under the pall of the same Cold War ideology and its containment policy, as evidenced by his "missile gap" rhetoric, his increase of advisors in Vietnam, and the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. It will never be known whether he would have averted a war in Vietnam, but his test-ban treaty with the Soviets, his denunciation of the CIA after the Bay of Pigs disaster, and his plan to withdraw some troops from Vietnam indicate at least a willingness to consider more flexibility in that policy."
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The Revolution of U.S. Intelligence, 2007.
A look at changes in U.S. intelligence after World War II and during the emergence of the Cold War.
1,133 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 39.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how US intelligence gathering underwent a reformation after the end of World War II. Nuclear weapons were available to the U.S. and later the Soviet Union and it was clear communist nations such as North Korea desired world dominance. The paper shows how this led to the need for a more accurate intelligence force in the United States. The paper also shows how technological advances, such as the US spy plane, global satellites, and other intelligence gear enabled the United States to become one of the premier intelligence gathering nations in the world.
From the Paper
"The modern intelligence gathering agencies as we know them today have their roots at the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War. In 1947, President Harry Truman signed the National Security Act, which "established the National Security Council to advise the president on foreign affairs and defense policy; created the Central Intelligence Agency to gather and analyze foreign intelligence and conduct covert operations; and created a Department of Defense to coordinate the activities of the branches of the US armed forces." In 1952, he created the National Security Agency, which was supposed to engage solely in cryptology, which would seem to separate the agencies even more."
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On Freedom and Justice: A Brief Examination of Nietzsche?s Beyond Good & Evil and Marx?s the Communist Manifesto, 2002.
A short look at the two radical thinkers and how they transformed the way we see the world: Karl Marx and Friedrich Nietzsche.
1,430 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This paper shows how both Karl Marx and Friedrich Nietzsche espouse similarly uncompromising, yet completely different, criticism of their respective societies. Both Marx and Nietzsche champion radical thinking and call for extensive changes or a complete reformation of society. The writer examines both of these philosopher's views and compares them to each other.
From the Paper
"Marx follows up on Rousseau?s emphasis on a society in which individuals have basic responsibilities towards each other, and thus society?s role is not only to protect individual freedoms. But Marx dramatically elevates the status these societal responsibilities, thereby completely dismantling individualism. Nietzsche particularly opposes such ideas as Marx?s insistence on equality and mutual responsibilities, and, it seems, is less hostile to Locke?s state of nature with its emphasis on individual freedom. Marx analyzes the social structure in a lucid and helpful manner, as he raises issues that that must be addressed; however both Marx and Nietzsche, for all their criticism of the existing social order, do not provide a credible ideology on which a better society can be established."
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The U.S. and the U.N. Rights of the Child Convention, 2002.
This paper discusses why the U.S. hasn't signed the treaty on the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child.
5,060 words (approx. 20.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 127.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a detailed examination, written from a legal standpoint, of the treaty on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Children. The paper concludes the U. S. is willing to intervene in other international problems, such as oil; and therefore, it should make a public statement to protect the world?s most precious commodity, children, by supporting the treaty.
Table of Contents
Introduction
What Is It
What It Protects
What about the Legal Standpoint
Why Is Treaty Needed
Why Won't the U.S. Sign?
Reasons for Signing the Treaty
From the Paper
"While there are many political reasons that the US may refuse to sign the treaty, one of the chief causes for concern might be the establishment of an International Criminal Court. Many UN delegates support the idea of an International Criminal Court but the United States has been steadfast in its refusal to agree. An international criminal court might begin the slippery slope of descent to the power of individual nations when it comes to many issues including the treaty.If the international criminal court gains favor and power in the future it is feasible that the court could be used to enforce the treaty."
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Multiculturalism in the U.S. and U.K., 2005.
This paper presents an analysis regarding the doctrine of multiculturalism.
904 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 31.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses the doctrine of multiculturalism. The writer offers an analysis of why such a doctrine is problematic. In order to examine the issue of multiculturalism, the writer uses examples from the public education systems in the U.S. and Great Britain to show the difficulties in treating all cultures as equal.
From the Paper
"Multiculturalism is defined by the Ayn Rand institute as the view that all cultures are equal. While this doctrine is often adopted in spirit if not in principle in the U.S. and Great Britain, multiculturalism is problematic as a term. For if all cultures are equal we cannot say that there is one superior way of being, one superior set of values or one superior method of educating individuals. However societies like America and Great Britain often adopt such methods values ... "
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"China's Economy: U.S. and E.U. Get Tough on Textiles", 2005.
A review of the article "China's Economy: U.S. and E.U. Get Tough on Textiles".
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 5 sources, $ 35.95
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Abstract
"This paper discusses an article from the Economist Intelligence Unit, a publication of The Economist, entitled "China's Economy: U.S. and E.U. Get Tough on Textiles" as it relates to the price pressures on apparels in the U.S. market. These issues are examined from a macroeconomic perspective with an emphasis on Keynesian and neo-classical macroeconomic theory.
From the Paper
"Following the end of quotas on textile imports from China as of 1 January 2005, both the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) have witnessed a massive influx of textile imports from China: "U.S. imports of Chinese clothing swelled in January, a rush of new products following the end of international quotas that for decades had limited global apparel trade" (Chinese, 2005, para.1). While increases have been across the board, three categories in particular have seen huge increases: cotton knit shirts, blouses and cotton trousers, and these have been targeted for renewed protectionist quotas by both the US and the EU (China, 2005, para.2). "
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ASEAN in the Global Power Structure, 2005.
Examines the effectiveness of an Asian coalition and how much it serves the interest of the region compared to the self-interests of the United States.
13,700 words (approx. 54.8 pages), 24 sources, MLA, $ 249.95
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Abstract
The idea for a regional block in Asia, to a large extent, was conceptualized by the United States. U.S. President Lyndon Johnson presented the ASEAN concept as an alliance of all the free nations of the Pacific and Asia and invited the Asian countries to come together in a co-operative effort to bring about economic development of the region, promising them the U.S.'s financial assistance and support. For all intents and purposes, this is what everyone believed ASEAN would accomplish at the time, including the ASEAN member nations themselves. However, the cooperative development of the nations was only the covering for the U.S.'s real agenda: to halt the progress of Communism and use the ASEAN nations and Japan as the roadblocks:
While the goal of the ASEAN member countries has been acquiring an "Asian identity" and achieving regional economic cooperation, the objective of the United States has been largely strategic in nature.
Such reality poses a number of implications for ASEAN. On one hand, it leaves ASEAN as a pawn for the United States and its allies, making the possibility of upholding real ASEAN interests difficult in the face of a hegemon's (the United States) interests. In addition, it also renders the concept of ASEAN regionalism in question because of the massive outside influence that it is vulnerable to under U.S. "guidance."
This leaves the question of whether ASEAN is truly a Southeast Asian regional block or not. Thus, as this essay argues, ASEAN although originally intended to be an organization that upholds Asian regionalism and reduce dependence on foreign powers and markets, was intentionally used by the United States and its allies to uphold their own political and economic interests - the industrialization of Japan within a neoliberal paradigm and the expansion of U.S. ideals to counter the communist treat, among others - in Asia and the rest of the world.
In order to prove this point, the paper first provides the theoretical foundations of its thesis using the theories of Structural Power and Hegemony. The next section then provides an analysis of the roles that the U.S. and its main ally, Japan, played in the development of ASEAN and the effect of their influence in ASEAN. China's role and effect in ASEAN are also discussed. The paper then provides a historical account of the development of ASEAN to show the facts that support the case. The next section then sketches the future of ASEAN. The essay ends with concluding remarks. It includes figures and graphs.
Paper Outline:
Introduction
Theoretical Foundations of U.S. Influence in ASEAN
The Role of the US
The Role of Japan
The Role of China
Three Contesting Powers
ASEAN Evolution in the Face of a Global Power Structure
Cooperation in the State of Turmoil (1967-1984)
The Birth of ASEAN in 1967
Vietnam Policy and ASEAN
ASEAN and the Promotion of Asian Capitalism
The Cambodia Crisis
Cooperation in the Age of Growth (1985-1996)
The Plaza Accord
Flying Geese Model
Economic Cooperation
Cooperation in the Age of Crisis and Recovery (1997-2005)
The Asian Financial Crisis
The IMF in ASEAN
ASEAN+3
China: A Potential Regional Rival
Japan's Assistance Measures
Post 9-11 Security: ASEAN as a Pawn of U.S. Policy
The Future of ASEAN
The Evolution of Cooperation between ASEAN and Japan
ASEAN and the G3 Bloc
Human Rights Issues Facing ASEAN
Toward a Regional Community
Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper
"ASEAN was founded in 1967 to deepen economic interaction and cooperation within the region. When it was first formed, the ASEAN member nations intended it to draw them together into a unified regionalist entity that would reduce dependence on foreign powers, particularly economically. The member nations were third world countries that had up to that time relied heavily on foreign markets, and one of the goals of regionalism was to combine the resources of the countries and convert them from five individual weak entities into one strong entity capable of standing on its own."
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The U.S. in Texas: U.S. Support of the Texas Revolution, 2000.
Discussion of the many political and social reasons the U.S. entered the battle for independence and eventual statehood in Texas.
1,260 words (approx. 5.0 pages), 7 sources, $ 42.95
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From the Paper
"Texas has added many economic, political and strategic advantages to the United States. But Texas was not acquired by the simple task of colonization and claim; Texas was fought for and won from the Spanish Empire by the people of these United States. They did not enter this conflict without reason or resolution; they entered this battle for independence and eventual statehood for many political and social reasons. First, the already great abundance of United States immigrants in the Spanish State of Texas, or Tejas, at the time of the revolution aided in the approval in action by the U.S. Secondly, the comparisons of the citizens of Texas predicament to the United States? own revolution also aided in the agreement on U.S. initiative. Finally, the American dislike of the Spanish Empire and its wish to dissolve its influence in North America aided as well in American entrance into the affairs of the Texas Revolution."
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The U.S. and the E.U, 2003.
An examination of the differences between the United States of America and the European Union.
690 words (approx. 2.8 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 23.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how the organization and intent of the European Union differs from the organization and intent of the United States of America. It looks at the development of the E.U.'s original intent to a broader sociopolitical scope and the economic and sociopolitical dimensions of the organization of the United States.
From the Paper
"McCormick states that the original purpose of the European Union was to promote trade links between member countries which is still one of its main functions. However ..."
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Chinese Nationalist Regime, 2002.
Discusses U.S. economic and military support of Chiang Kai-Shek.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 17 sources, $ 79.95
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Abstract
Discusses U.S. economic & military support of Chiang Kai-Shek. Factors that contributed to the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over the Nationalist regime of Chiang in 1949. Growing tensions between the U.S. and the People's Republic of China. Korean War policy decisions. Historical background of Nationalist-Communist struggle.
From the Paper
"KOREA AND AMERICAN SUPPORT OF CHIANG KAI-SHEK: SETTING THE PATTERN OF POST-1949 CHINESE-AMERICAN CONFLICT
This research paper traces and analyzes the factors which contributed to the victory in 1949 of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over the Nationalist (Kuomintang) regime of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Chiang) and to the worsening tensions between the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) between 1949 and the end of the Korean War.
Many indigenous and exogenous factors influenced the outcome of the Chinese civil war of 1946-1949. The most important of these were the chaotic conditions which prevailed within China and the Japanese invasion and occupation of the mainland. The CCP achieved in the early postwar period decisive military and political superiority over a weakened and corrupt Nationalist ..."
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Pro-Communist Novels, 2004.
This paper discusses two pro-communist novels: Graham Greene?s ?The Quiet American? (1955) and Andre Malraux?s ?Man?s Fate? (1933).
1,825 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Graham Greene?s ?The Quiet American? and Andre Malraux?s ?Man?s Fate?, both novels, take different positions against communism. The author points out that, although highlighting the positive side of communist principles and criticizing the capitalist beliefs harbored by ?naive? Americans, the primary goal of Greene?s book is to denounce the U.S.?s so-called peace initiative in Vietnam. The paper relates that, on the other hand, Andre Malraux believed that only communism could save the poor from exploitation by the Nationalist groups in China.
From the Paper
"In Greene?s book, the central characters Pyle and Fowler are symbolical representatives of their respective countries? policies. Pyle is young and full of naivet? just like America, while Fowler is more or less impartial like Britain as Mr. Heng once says, ?Mr. Fowler, you are English. You are neutral. You have been fair to all of us.? Pyle is neither so neutral nor so fair in his assessment of Vietnamese politics. Like American leaders, he innocently believes that a ?Third Force? can resolve important Vietnamese political issues. However, it is important to understand that author has used innocence as a synonym for ignorance here."
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The City of ?The Handmaid?s Tale?, 2002.
This paper discusses the city of Gilead, the imaginary dystopia depicted in Margaret Atwood?s "The Handmaid?s Tale".
2,313 words (approx. 9.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 71.95
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Abstract
The writer explores this created city, giving examples from the text as to the ways in which it was created and how it is governed. The paper compares this nightmarish world with a communist society, one in which there was perhaps a positive beginning but which has blossomed into something dangerous and stifling. The writer brings in feminist commentary to discuss the role of women within this society.
From the Paper
"Gilead?s rigid hierarchy with its clear delineation of rules, roles and functions allows the leaders to exert complete control over the lives of their subjects. Most human societies are organized with hierarchies, usually by age and sex. Older people dominate over younger people while men dominate over women (Van den Berghe, 1974, p. 782). Therefore, in most societies, there is a constant struggle within the communities, in the forms of class conflicts, generational and sex tensions, along with military coups (Van den Berghe, 1974, p. 785)."
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