| Papers [1-15] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 7] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 —> | Search results on "CANADIAN RACIST SEXIST STATE POLICIES": |
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Canadian Racist and Sexist State Policies, 2002.
Examines the ways in which the Canadian Governement has institutionalized policies of racisim and sexism in order to maintain a system of white, male privilege.
1,900 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 3 sources, $ 71.95
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Abstract
Ng (1993) and Bannerji (1995) both provide arguments for describing how the Canadian state practices racist and sexist ideologies; and how the work of building a "Canadian nation" has been constructed around racist/sexist state policies and social practices, all of which have served the interests of the elite white classes. Furthermore, as Ng and Bannerji include relations of gender in these historical constructs, they explicated the ways the relations of ethnicity and gender are linked into economic structures. How have these practices been in effect as structures of oppression and subjugation? Specifically, how have these processes operated to maintain racism and sexism through structural and institutional systems of white privilege and patriarchal dominance?
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The Canadian State as a Racist Political Culture, 2008.
This paper discusses the development of the Canadian state as a racist political culture.
1,318 words (approx. 5.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 44.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses that in Canada in the early 21st century there is the widespread belief that racism is largely a concern of other countries given such state policies as multiculturalism. This being said, this essay argues, through the critical examination of scholarly texts on the subject, that, in fact, the development of Canada as a racist political culture defines the fundamental institutions of the Canadian state to the present day. The writer maintains that when Canada is considered in terms of its historical development, in terms of its policy making - as in the case of multiculturalism - or in terms of its political culture manifested in the mass media and the economy, there exists overwhelmingly evidence in support of the contention that Canada is a fundamentally racist political culture.
From the Paper
"Consider, for example, the unrest that has often erupted in Canada between Aboriginals and the government/land developers who are seeking to build on sacred Aboriginal lands. Even if we set aside the issue that all of the North American continent itself originally belonged to the ancestors of these Aboriginals, the fact that it has been so difficult for these First Nations to enforce their treaty rights through the courts that they must resort to peaceful civil disobedience is evidence of the radical inequality in the Canadian social, political and economic systems. Indeed, as the conflicts years ago at Akwasasne and Oka, dissent and civil disruption appear to be the only way that marginalized populations can make their case in the public arena given that they are effectively dispossessed."
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Canadian Trade Policies, 2005.
This paper discusses direct and indirect trade intervention policies for Canada.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 1 source, $ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that devising a direct coercive intervention to promote Canadian trade is a complicated task because Canada's participation in such international forums, as the World Trade Organization and NAFTA, limit the choice of direct and coercive interventions as tariff barriers. The author points out that the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade may be well advised to consider an indirect intervention policy. The paper relates that the voluntary nature of this policy is attractive enough to acquire widespread adherence to boost significantly Canadian trade and that its indirect characteristics minimize Canadian exposure to retaliatory measures by its trading partners.
From the Paper
"It must be acknowledged that devising a direct, coercive intervention to promote Canadian trade is a complicated task given the fact that Canada's participation in such international forums as the World Trade Organization and NAFTA limit the choice of such direct and coercive interventions as tariff barriers. However, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade may be well advised to consider indirect interventions that, while voluntary, are attractive enough to acquire widespread adherence and thus may significantly boost Canadian trade while their indirect characteristics minimize Canadian exposure to retaliatory measures by our trading partners."
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Subject-Object Polarity and the onset of Sexist and Racist Thought, 2002.
An examination of Franz Fanon's "Black Skin, White Masks" and Jessica Benjamin's "Bonds of Love."
2,500 words (approx. 10.0 pages), 0 sources, $ 75.95
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Abstract
The writer addresses and answers the following questions regarding the two works "Black Skin, White Masks" by Franz Fanon and "Bonds of Love" by Jessica Benjamin. How do subject-object polarities arise? How are they present differently in men and woman?How does this lead to an inherently sexist and racist society? How can these polarities be effectively reversed?
From the Paper
"Of all the great social struggles of modern society, perhaps none are so obvious and so ingrained within the minds of the population as the struggles against sexism and against racism. The source of both problems is rooted in the tendency to create a polar dualism between male and female, between white and black. In nearly all cases, this fundamental dualism extends beyond superficial roles and identities, creating a relational structure involving the superiority of one group and the consequent inferiority of the other. In a futile attempt to close the disparaging gap between the extremities of this polar relationship, many have resorted to means that weaken the importance of the role of the superior and at the same time make stronger and more important the role of the inferior. As a result, the roles women and blacks play in society are argued by many to be just as important as those men and whites play, and many would argue that a woman or a black can do anything a man or a white can. Indeed, Benjamin points out that ?Every binary split creates the temptation to merely reverse its terms, to elevate what has been devalued and denigrate what has been overvalued (Benjamin, 9). It is precisely the overwhelming tendency towards this temptation regarding solutions to sexism and racism against which Benjamin and Fanon argue. For inherent within this methodology is the erroneous assumption that the problems of sexism and racism can be solved from within the existing social structure. Benjamin argues extensively against such an approach to solving the problem of male domination, advocating instead the resolution of the dysfunctional dualistic structure, itself: ?What is necessary is not to take sides but to remain focused on the dualistic structure itself? (Benjamin, 9). In a similar argument, Fanon points out that racism towards blacks, at least in the East Indies, cannot be resolved by simply elevating the status of the black man in society"
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Canadian Foreign Policy, 2005.
This paper discusses Canadian foreign policy between the years 1990-2003 and according to four major international events, looks at changes and continuities in the policies.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 9 sources, $ 89.95
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Abstract
This paper explores the changes and continuities in Canadian foreign policy between 1990 and 2003 by focusing on four significant international event. The writer discusses the events of the first Gulf War of 1990-91; the Kosovo Crisis of the late 1990s; the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq. This paper argues that Canadian levels of participation in each affair were determined more by a sense of "Canadian" values - and a realization of the limits of Canadian power - than by any other group of factors.
From the Paper
"Canadian foreign policy - at least since the dawn of the 1990s - may best be described as confused. Despite our lofty rhetoric about making a difference in the affairs of states, Canada's long-time cannibalization of its armed forces has too often reduced it to a bit player in peace-keeping operations - and in world affairs more generally. This paper will explore Canadian foreign policy decisions vis-a-vis four recent international events - the Gulf War of 1990-91, the 1999 Kosovo War, the 2001 War in Afghanistan, and the controversial decision in 2003 to stay away from any military entanglements in Iraq."
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Canadian Foreign Policy, 2002.
Examines the role of human rights in the Canadian foreign policy.
1,575 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 8 sources, $ 55.95
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Abstract
Examines the role of human rights in Canadian foreign policy. Disagreement regarding Canada's accomodation of human rights objectives in its foreign policy. Contends that Canada can improve the effectiveness of its accommodation of human rights without expanding its scope. Assesses Canada's concern for international human rights. Government policies. Recommends policy changes.
From the Paper
"HUMAN RIGHTS IN CANADIAN FOREIGN POLICY: AN ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT WITH RECOMMENDED POLICY CHANGES
Introduction
Canada enjoys a positive international reputation in relation to human rights. The world generally perceives Canada as a country with a human face that protects the human rights of its own citizens while pursuing international relations through policies designed to promote human rights in all countries. Within Canada, however, political and social factions disagree with respect to both the comprehensiveness and the effectiveness of Canada's accommodation of human rights objectives in its foreign policy (Black, 2001).
This paper examines the issue of the comprehensiveness and the effectiveness of Canada's accommodation of human rights ..."
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Canadian Immigration Policy, 2006.
A discussion on the convergence and contradictions of racism and economics in understanding Canadian immigration policy and settlement.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 5 sources, $ 71.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews the defining characteristics of the Canadian government's public policies regarding immigration and settlement in recent years, and the emphasis upon the economic value to Canada of immigrants and immigration. This essay argues, that if one examines Canadian immigration and settlement policy in a larger historical context, one can recognize how both racism and sexism have been played important roles as primary factors in shaping these policies.
From the Paper
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Canadian Immigration Policy, 2008.
An analysis of the changes to the Canadian immigration policy since World War II and specifically during the 1960s.
2,266 words (approx. 9.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the evolution of the Canadian immigration policy since the Second World War. Specifically, it discusses the dramatic shift which took place in the 1960s as Canada began to move away from its old preferential immigration policy under the Pearson government. Further, the paper analyzes how political, economic and demographic factors created a remarkable amount of momentum for policies which opened the doors (and kept them open) for non-European arrivals from the latter 1960s onward.
From the Paper
"Lastly, Canada has moved substantially towards an immigration policy that permits family reunification for all immigrants - especially global south immigrants - with very few restrictions. In light of the fact that so many of today's immigrants are non-European (and, as noted previously, this has been the case since at least the middle-1970s), the end result is that this bit of Canadian policy-making has bolstered the already-high numbers of non-European groups within Canada. In the end, it would seem evident that successive Canadian governments - whether Conservative or Liberal - have embraced multicultural immigration because the swiftly-changing demographics of the land (and a new political landscape) leaves them no choice but to indulge non-Caucasian and non-European citizens."
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Canadian Immigration Policy, 2008.
This paper explores anti-Chinese sentiment and Canadian immigration policy during 1885 to 1923.
1,818 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at Canada's immigration policy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and argues that Canada's racist immigration policies towards the Chinese were also instrumentalist in the sense that certain types of Chinese were allowed into the country if it was felt they could benefit business interests. The paper explores some of the controversies which compelled politicians at both levels of government to act as they did.
From the Paper
"The simple reality is that Canadian immigration policy during the early years of the twentieth century was driven as much by economic and practical considerations as it was driven by racial and/or cultural considerations - albeit, at least in the case of the Chinese, these items still played a role in the determination of who entered Canada and who did not. For example, Clifford Sifton pursued an immigration policy that sought out farmers from Eastern Europe on the grounds that a) they would be good farmers and diligent labourers; and b) their experiences on the rugged Canadian farmland - experiences shared by most other Canadians - would gradually allow for their assimilation into the larger English-Canadian community (Knowles, para.4)."
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Canadian Public Policy, 2002.
Answers the question: Who or what are the major players in the formulation of Canadian Public Policy?
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 4 sources, $ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the major decision makers in Canadian public policy. It looks at the Prime Minister, the Cabinet, the bureaucracy and interest groups/lobbyists.
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Canadian Fiscal Policy and the Demise of Canada, 2002.
A look at the impact of globalization and free trade on Canadian fiscal policy.
1,150 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 4 sources, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that Canadian fiscal policy has been taken over by the right-wing agenda. The paper contends that this is a negative development, since social programs are hurt. This development has occurred because of the consequences of globalization and free trade.
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Canadian Communications Policy, 1994.
This paper discusses Canadian communications policy: Goverment regulation vs. media autonomy, publication bans, promotion of social justice, biases and preservation of culture.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 11 sources, $ 39.95
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From the Paper
"Two of the four largest newspaper publishing companies in Canada have consistently posted financial operating losses in the decade of the 1990s.. In 1993 and 1994, Canadian public information media?both print and electronic?have chafed over publication bans related to the Karla Homulka trial in Ontario.. Canadian television broadcasters face increasing competition from American television stations located near the international border and from foreign programming transmitted into Canada via satellite.. Questions have been raised about the wisdom of Canadian communications policies that, according to critics, will lead to the demise of Canadian ... "
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Immigration Policy and Canadian Nation-Building, 2008.
This paper discusses the immigration policy in Canada as it relates to Canadian nation-building.
1,420 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This essay critically examines the issue of immigration and Canadian nation-building within a sociological perspective. A particular focus of the paper is on the contradiction between the ideal of immigration, as reflected in the changes to immigration policy in the 1960s and the introduction of official multiculturalism in the 1970s, and the realities of immigration in regard to its being embedded in the social class and power distribution structures of Canada. In this context, the paper argues that in our capitalist society immigration policy has primarily served the interests of capital in the form of labor force reproduction. This being said, it is then argued that the existence of a multicultural and multiracial society represents a clear challenge to the existing power distribution in Canadian society; a challenge that has been met by policies such as official multiculturalism which are instruments by which the capitalist state seeks to control and channel dissent and thereby ensure the perpetuation of the Canadian status quo.
From the Paper
"Thus, the labour force of Canada was not biologically reproducing itself on a generational basis by the later decades of the twentieth century. In order to meet this shortfall, the Government of Canada resorted to immigration to supply a labour force to meet the demands of the Canadian economy. These demands are complex, for the Labour Force Reproduction model indicates that the economy needs a labour supply not only in terms of production but also to consume the goods produced. As a result, in the years in which the Canadian fertility rates were declining (after 1956) the Canadian immigration levels were increasing. From 1954 to 1992 Canada accepted 5.7 million immigrants. These immigrants fulfilled a wide number of economic roles in Canadian society, from contributing as business class immigrants and supplying entrepreneurial investment funds, to those who work in the commercial and corporate sectors. In addition, we must not forget the significant numbers of immigrants who worked as unpaid labour - often women - and so subsidized the paid labour force in Canada."
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American Impact on Canadian Foreign Policy, 2004.
Examines the extent of the United States' influence on Canada's international relations with other countries.
1,413 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 4 sources, APA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
The relationship between the United States and Canada is extremely close, perhaps the closest and most extensive in the world. This is reflected in the volume of trade (over $ 1.4 billion a day) and the number of people (over 200 million a year) who cross the U.S.-Canadian border. Both countries have been members of international alliances such as NATO and NAFTA. This paper shows that, despite the close relationship, it would not be wrong to say that the association between the two neighbors also has a love-hate aspect to it. This is not unexpected, given the overwhelming political, military, and economic power of the United States and the national sensitivities of the Canadians, who are concerned about being taken for granted. Canada has, therefore, pursued a largely independent foreign policy. This paper discusses the extent of the United States? influence on Canadian foreign policy.
Table of Contents
History
The Aftermath of 9/11
Strains in U.S.-Canada Relationship
Limitations of U.S. Influence on Canadian Foreign Policy
From the Paper
"The examples of Canadian resistance to demands of the United States regarding its foreign policy illustrate the limitations of US influence on Canada. Being its biggest trading partner, the United States does have some economic leverage in making Canada change its policies. However, with a weakened economy, the US too needs trade with Canada to flourish. And as its trade disputes with the US on export of softwood lumbar and farm subsidies show, Canada is not easily cowed down and is prepared to fight back in matters relating to trade."
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Canadian Immigration Policy, 2002.
Examines how immigration policy in Canada overlooks gender issues.
2,150 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 13 sources, $ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper explains how Canadian immigration policy does not address matters of gender, for immigrants still tend to be looked at in generic ways. At different points, it is stressed too that studies of immigrant and refugee conditions have sometimes tended to lump refugee women into categories that have already been in place that have more to do with a general concern for inequality at large, racism and sexism. Resettlement in Canada can be a challenging and troubling experience for women and it is stressed that women need not be asylum-seekers in order to find immigration to Canada a project that exceeds what they have expected.
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