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Asylum Policy in the EU, 2008.
This paper discusses the notion of safe third countries in the European Union.
4,464 words (approx. 17.9 pages), 18 sources, APA, $ 116.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer notes that France will take the presidency of the European Union (EU) from July to December 2008. Priorities during this period include a "common pact on immigration and asylum" , which aims towards a greater harmonisation in these fields, but which does not mention enforcing a better respect of human rights. The writer points out that this issue triggers questions about the role of the EU as a global player in the field of human rights. Indeed, asylum - which refers to the protection granted by a foreign country to a person persecuted for political opinions or religious beliefs in its own country - is per se linked to human rights. However, current EU policies tend to criminalize migrants trying to enter and settle in "Fortress Europe", disregarding their reasons for migrating. The writer discusses that a new trend has recently been development in the management of asylum procedures: third countries have been listed as "safe", which implicitly means that they should not produce refugees and therefore that nationals of such countries who would yet claim asylum might not been "genuine" refugees. One can then wonder why the EU implements such a principle and what are the consequences on the new asylum procedures, as far as human rights are concerned. In this essay, the writer focuses on the implementation of the principle of "safe third countries" in the EU and the criticisms it raises.
Outline:
INTRODUCTION
I. CURRENT IMPLEMENTATION OF THE SAFE THIRD COUNTRY PRINCIPLE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
A. BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON COMMON ASYLUM POLICIES AT EU LEVEL
1. International Legislation
2. EU Legislation
Before the Amsterdam Treaty (1999)
The Amsterdam Treaty
The Tampere Treaty and its Aftermath
The Hague Program (2004)
B. BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON THE NOTION OF SAFE THIRD COUNTRIES
1. Justification of the Principle of "safe third country"
2. European Vision of Safe Third Countries
Uses of Safe Third Country Principle in Europe
II. CRITIC OF THE SAFE THIRD COUNTRY PRINCIPLE
A. LEGALITY OF SAFE THIRD COUNTRY LISTS
1. Human Rights Issues in "safe" Third Countries
2. A Breach in the Geneva Convention?
B. NEGATIVE IMPACTS AND COUNTER-ACTIONS TAKEN BY NGOS TO FIGHT AGAINST THIS PRINCIPLE
1. Consequences of the Implementation of Safe Third Countries Principle
In the "Old Europe": Decreasing Rates of Asylum Claims in France
A New Burden for Bordering Countries of the EU and EU's Neighbours
2. Counter-strike of NGOS: Case Forum Refugies vs. OFPRA
CONCLUSION
Bibliography
From the Paper
"To deal with asylum, it is necessary to remind some basic points of the Convention. Firstly, according to the 1951 Geneva Convention, to be granted refugee status, an asylum seek must lodge his/her claim in the State s/he wants to be recognize by, that is to say, s/he must have physical access to the territory of this State to start a procedure in which the validity of his/her claims can be assessed. Secondly, it is up to each State party to the convention to interpret the convention at its own discrepancy. Some States can be criticized for rejecting many asylum claims but that does not prove in itself a violation of the Convention, but rather a very strict interpretation. Thirdly, we need to remind ourselves that returning to their country of origin rejected asylum seekers and generally all irregular migrants not in need of protection is a difficult challenge. The procedures of detention, deportation and readmission have not been addressed by the 1951 Convention. Such measures depend on national or EU rules, but still should comply with international human rights standards. Both the overstaying and the removal of rejected asylum seekers create problems in terms of credibility and integrity of asylum systems. This is part of a wider debate on the balance of international cooperation and solidarity and control of migration fluxes."
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The EU's Asylum Policy, 2005.
This paper examines the history of the European Union's (EU) policies on asylum and arms control.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the European Union's common asylum policy has developed over time and has been influenced by a number of political and economic factors. The author points out that the
EU's position has evolved in response to asylum issues and other emerging concerns such as arms control and human rights violations. The paper relates that thirteen years ago, common European agreement was reached through the Maastricht Treaty, which designated asylum policy as a matter of shared interest to European Union members.
From the Paper
"The European Union's common asylum policy has developed over time and has been influenced by a number of political and economic factors. As this development has unfolded, Luxembourg's own position has evolved in response to asylum issues and other emerging concerns such as arms control and human rights violations. Essentially, "as political and economic co-operation has developed between the member states of the EU, the necessity of a common approach to issues such as immigration, border controls and asylum policy has become apparent." (ECRE) Thirteen years ago, common European agreement was reached through the Maastricht Treaty, which designated asylum policy as a matter of shared interest to European Union members. "
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The Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, 2003.
A look at the development of the U.K. asylum policy from its inception in 1970's to the most recent amendments in 2002, highlighting the most significant impacts on asylum seekers today.
11,371 words (approx. 45.5 pages), 20 sources, APA, $ 223.95
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Abstract
This paper attempts to identify the shortfalls of the 2002 Act and its inability to revolutionise the asylum system in the U.K. In particular, it focuses on the adverse impact it will have on current and future asylum seekers in respect of their entitlements to welfare support and benefits. It provides a full background of the development of U.K asylum law in order to identify the route it has taken to reach its current position and investigates the reasons why the government is demonstrating a more restrictive approach to asylum policy. It then concentrates on the failings of the previous asylum policies discussed and examines why there was a significant need for reform. It critically analyses the government?s proposals for reform, identified in the White Paper ?Fairer, Faster, Firmer? in 1999 and also introduces a summary of the changes implemented by the subsequent Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. The next part identies the failings of the 1999 Act, in particular highlighting the controversial issues surrounding refugees entitlements to receive support and thenl introduces the proposed changes to the 1999 asylum system and present the revolutionary reforms for 2002, allowing particular consideration to the changes to the support system and the controversial issues surrounding the accommodation centre proposals.
Outline
The Background and Development of U.K .Asylum Policy
The Reform of U.K. Asylum Policy
The Failings of the 1999 Asylum System
The Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002
Poverty in the Asylum Support System
Accommodation Centres
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The legislation was constructed purely from a political perspective, which provided only for interim measures such as initial arrival and detention of the asylum seeker, the appeals process, and procedures which were to follow once the asylum application had failed. Both the 1993 and 1996 Asylum Acts failed to take into account any welfare entitlements which should be made accessible to the asylum seeker, and failed to take into consideration the likelihood that the asylum seeker would be likely to remain in the UK for several months whilst his application was processed and would therefore require a significant level of social assistance. In effect the UK asylum policy did little to help the asylum seekers in need of support and protection and has endured extreme criticism. The law of asylum should function so as to ensure the fair, efficient, and effective assessment of asylum claims, instead of following a purely exclusionary regulatory strategy based on a deterrence and punishment model of asylum policy."
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European Refugee Policy, 2006.
A look at the achievements made by the E.U.towards a European refugee policy through a review of Joanne Van Selm's "European Refugee Policy: is There Such a Thing?".
2,954 words (approx. 11.8 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 87.95
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Abstract
This paper analyses Joanne Van Selm's working paper "European Refugee Policy: is There Such a Thing?". It discusses how "illegal immigrant", "asylum seeker", "refugee", "economic refugee" are all phrases that tend to create confusion in the minds of E.U. citizens. It looks at how the 25 Member-States barely have a common immigration policy, though they do have a few guidelines for a harmonisation of asylum policy. It is in this context, that the question of the existence of a European Refugee policy is discussed.
Outline:
Introduction
What Has Been Achieved in the EU so Far (From the Schengen Agreement to Now) Does Not Always Take the Right Direction Towards A Common Refugee Policy.
Implementing Agreements on Immigration, Asylum and Refugees in the EU: A Common Approach or 25 Approaches?
The Lack of Political Will of Fortress Europe Does Not Help Shaping a Common Refugee Policy
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The very way refugee issues are dealt with within the EU is counterproductive, in terms of defence of human rights. VAN SELM explains that "there are [...] more national civil servants [than EU civil servants] dealing with asylum and refugee policy. They are all within the most sovereign control-oriented ministries too (Justice and Home Affairs) [...] Since where you stand is influenced by where you sit, it seems natural that these policy makers would be more likely to guard national interest and defend national policy than to consider the situations in countries and regions around the world, and the most appropriate policy Europe as a whole could pursue in the interest of maintaining stability by guaranteeing protection to refugees." Part of this safeguarding of the national interest would also be the lack of funds granted to refugee issues. If it is true that some EU Member States do "use part of their own overseas development aid to assist refugees in emergency and protracted situations around the world" (p.18), VAN SELM notes that "this is rarely done in a systemic way." Countries like Malta spent their ODA on detained asylum seekers, hence having anything but a refugee policy."
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Canadian Immigration Policy, 2002.
Examines how immigration policy in Canada overlooks gender issues.
2,150 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 13 sources, $ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper explains how Canadian immigration policy does not address matters of gender, for immigrants still tend to be looked at in generic ways. At different points, it is stressed too that studies of immigrant and refugee conditions have sometimes tended to lump refugee women into categories that have already been in place that have more to do with a general concern for inequality at large, racism and sexism. Resettlement in Canada can be a challenging and troubling experience for women and it is stressed that women need not be asylum-seekers in order to find immigration to Canada a project that exceeds what they have expected.
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Case Study: Non European Union (EU) or European Union, 2008.
Discusses the European Union (EU) and its individual markets as a potential target market for entry by a foreign enterprise as well as a non-member market.
1,785 words (approx. 7.1 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 57.95
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Abstract
This analysis examines the characteristics of two specific target countries for potential market entry by a foreign enterprise. The two countries examined are a non-EU member country which is Indonesia and an EU member state which is Spain. Additionally, the benefits and disadvantages of such countries vis-a-vis individual company acquisitions or joint venture targets are discussed.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Country Analysis
Overview
Target Country One--Indonesia
Cultural
Trading Blocs and Related Data
Major Currencies
Fund Repatriation and Exchange Rate Risks
Target Country Two--Spain
Cultural
Trading Blocs and Related Data
Major Currencies
Fund Repatriation and Exchange Rate Risks
European Union Membership Versus
Non-Membership
The EU Market Environment
Non-EU Market Disadvantages
Business and Commerce in EU Markets
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The most important regional trading blocs related to this project are ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations). Indonesia reported a trade surplus with Japan of $9,018m, $5,096m with the United States, and $1,958m with China as recently as 2000 which indicative a strong export economy (Indonesia, 2006). These and its other total exports formed the equivalent of $57.4b worth of exports in 2001. Its current account stands at $6,899m and balance on goods of $22,695 while its balance on services totals a deficit of -$10,380m . Regional barriers to trade are minimal."
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NAFTA and the EU, 2005.
This paper looks at NAFTA and the EU and discusses overcoming challenges through unity.
1,575 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 4 sources, $ 62.95
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Abstract
This seven page undergraduate paper examines why geographical proximity is an important factor in the creation of trading blocs such as NAFTA and the EU. In part because of the geographical proximity of the member states of the European Union, the EU has served as a model for international political and economic integration, for the EU has been able to transform the European continent from a diverse, complicated, and myriad conglomeration of independent nations and markets into a unified economic and trade entity which has demonstrated far more success than most experts predicted when the EU was first established.
From the Paper
"Geographical proximity is an important factor in the creation of trading blocs such as NAFTA and the EU. In part because of the geographical proximity of the member states of the European Union, the EU has served as a model for international political and economic integration, for the EU has been able to transform the European continent from a diverse, complicated, and myriad conglomeration of independent nations and markets into a unified economic and trade entity which has demonstrated far more success than most experts predicted when the EU was first established."
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The EU and the European Central Bank, 2008.
This paper examines the implications of the Euro in respect to monetary policy in Europe.
2,027 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 16 sources, APA, $ 64.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses the EU's success at integrating monetary policy through the European Central Bank (ECB) as well as economically within the context of a single currency. The paper explains how the Euro has been not only functional, but effective at stabilizing macroeconomic forces within the EU and enabling the EU to approach the international community as a unified force. The paper also looks at the impediments to further economic and political integration of the EU model and concludes that the EU has performed fairly well in an often fractious environment.
Outline:
Overview
The EU and the European Central Bank
EU Monetary Policy
Exchange Rates
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The European Union (EU) has, since its inception, fostered much debate regarding its ultimate success at integrating monetary policy through the European Central Bank (ECB) as well as economically within the context of a single currency. Yet, despite all the debate, the EU finds itself not only functioning but expanding: "European Union enlarges from 15 to 25 members and tries to write itself a first-ever European constitution" (Dale, 2003, para.2). The EU as a political and economic model has its conception in the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 when a union of European states was formalized into the EU; however, the idea of a unified Europe has its roots in the period following World War II when a cohesive European Community was sought to aid in recovery (Harrop, 1998)."
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EU Power Play in the Middle East, 2005.
Paper discusses the prospects of the post-Barcelona Treaty and the EU engaging in the Middle East peace process as a neutral mediator.
3,791 words (approx. 15.2 pages), 14 sources, MLA, $ 104.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the Barcelona Declaration, and the Barcelona Process that came out of it, marks a new phase in Europe's foreign policy. It explores how this is a stage in which the European Union is announcing that it cannot afford the continuing conflict in the Middle East and that peace is the only option. This peace is an important factor in the EU's foreign and security policy. It concludes that, even though the EU is not challenging the role of the United States, it is working for peace, not just following in the U.S.'s footsteps.
From the Paper
"The reason why the European Union is placing a high level of importance on the Middle East Peace process is that it is related to its own security. This is admitted in the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and explained in the EU's 1999 statement on peace in the Middle East. As the CFSP openly seems to declare, the security interests of the EU cannot be divorced from the Middle East situation, not just because of the close geographic relation between them but because this area provides the EU with the majority of its energy needs and counts as a major trade partner, not to mention a leading source of investment in Europe (16). Therefore, the close geographic and economic relations between the two regions have placed the EU in a position in which it needs to give a status of priority to the Middle East Peace process. It is as such that the EU's resolution on peace in the Middle East firmly calls for the establishment of a Palestinian state, the removal of illegal Israeli settlements and the return of all occupied Arab territories (""EU European Parliament: Resolution ..."). The fact that the EU stresses these points is because it understands that the realizing of these goals is the only way to stabilize the region, thereby creating a peaceful and stable neighborhood for the EU."
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How Domestic Factors Influence EU Environmental Policy-Making, 2003.
This paper explores the ways in which various domestic factors in the EU member states can influence the Union's policy-making.
3,429 words (approx. 13.7 pages), 18 sources, MLA, $ 97.95
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Abstract
The paper uses research to analyze the different ways in which environmental policy-making in the EU has been influenced by domestic factors in the member states. The writer finds that public awareness in the 1970s and the success of the Greens in some countries affected the EU. The paper cites case studies of Germany, Denmark, the UK and Spain.
From the Paper
"The European Union as known today originated from the need of West European countries for a regional arrangement to facilitate their economic development. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) created by the founding Treaties of the European Communities were created as functional agencies only in charge of the coordination of national, economic strategies in designated sectors, whether they will lead to a supranational body or not. The Treaty of Rome in 1957 did not include any articles that made specific reference to the creation of an environmental policy, which originally was thought to be potentially detrimental to the economic development."
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The Proposed European Union (EU) Constitution, 2008.
This paper discusses the proposed European Union (EU) constitution, which failed to be ratified.
1,760 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, with the impressive economic performance and harmony of the European Union (EU), it seems to be an excellent time to finally establish a constitution for this organization. The author relates that, in 2004, the 25 heads of state of the member countries signed a treaty establishing an EU constitution; however, each member country needed to approve it independently by their own national means. The paper describes that France and the Netherlands rejected this treaty through a referendum vote. The author points out that the most controversial aspect of the constitution was the creation of a foreign minister and a common foreign and defense policy. The paper stresses that, with the many diverse national interests of each of the 27 member nations, it is almost impossible to form a common foreign policy decision as exemplified by the drastically different policies for the war in Iraq.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Major Points of the Constitution
Pro and Con Reasoning
Unpleasant Setbacks in France and the Netherlands
Future of the Constitution
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Many of the arguments for the constitution are outlined in the previous section discussing the contents of the constitution. As one can see, the argument for the constitution was based largely on making the EU a more democratic organization. Many of the pro camp also saw this as an opportunity to strengthen the European institutions in order to take on the many new member countries that were added in 2004. Furthermore, many believe that the main reason behind the constitution was to propel European unification even further."
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The EU and NAFTA, 2008.
A comparison of the institutions and policies of the European Union (EU) and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
1,529 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 50.95
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Abstract
This paper briefly examines the differences and similarities between the European Union (EU) and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Specifically, the paper explores the various institutions of each and notes how the EU has in place institutions which seek political and social integration (at least with regards to policy) in a way that NAFTA does not - and probably never will.
From the Paper
"Having mentioned at length the political integration of Europe, some time should be devoted to the legal integration of the continent (and Great Britain). For one thing, the European Court of Justice ensures that all laws promulgated by the council and parliament are interpreted and applied in the same fashion in all member states; at the same time, the Luxembourg Court also ensures that national courts do not give different rulings when confronted with the same legal matters and substantially the same laws - and it works tirelessly to compel EU institutions to follow the letter of the law, as well (Europa, "How is the EU Organized?" sec.4). For its part, the Court of Auditors supervises EU funds and checks to make sure that taxpayer money is not spent illegally or in a profligate manner; the court - also based in Luxembourg - has the right to audit any organization handling EU money (Europa, "How is the EU Organized?" sec.5)."
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Issues Concerning the Accession of Baltic States to the EU, 2000.
This paper discusses what it will mean for people living in the Baltic States to become a part of EU population, including the advantages and disadvantages.
23,000 words (approx. 92.0 pages), 27 sources, $ 249.95
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Abstract
Discusses what it will mean for people living in the Baltic States to become a part of EU population. After the accession some people will benefit, some will be put in a disadvantageous position, national parliaments will lose considerably important powers in the field of migration and eastern external borders will become a hot spot of the country where now EU rules will be applied.
From the Paper
"Furthermore, Maastricht and Amsterdam treaties are compared and the changes that have been made examined. After immigration and asylum matters, external border controls, measures to combat financial fraud against the EU and customs cooperation have been moved out of the Third Pillar of the EU and the intergovernmental cooperation and transferred to the Community level, the national parliaments gave up some of their powers. That basically means that after the accession of the Baltic States to the EU, they will have to accept that some of their parliaments? competence will be transferred to the EU level. Still, not all the powers in the field of migration will be taken from national competence and so in my thesis it is also noted what issues will be left exclusively for states. "
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EU Constitution, 2005.
A look at the design of the EU draft constitution, its strengths, and its weaknesses.
2,924 words (approx. 11.7 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 86.95
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Abstract
This paper investigates the details of the EU draft constitution. In particular, the paper seeks to critically evaluate the extent to which the draft constitution creates an institutional architecture that is both sustainable for the future of Europe and achieves an appropriate inter-institutional balance. The paper begins with a brief overview of the European Union and the nations that are a part of the entity.
Introduction
Overview of the European Union
Main Aspects of the Constitution
Opponents of the Constitution
Critical Evaluation
Discussion and Conclusion
From the Paper
"The architecture of the constitution is such that it does have the ability to grow and it also makes concessions for the addition of new nations into the union. In addition, the Union will be responsible for making decisions concerning the international community. This decision making ability will allow the European Union to make definitive decisions regarding support for military and humanitarian efforts throughout the world."
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The EU: Is Integration Only Skin Deep?, 2002.
A look at the aspirations of the European Union (EU) for European unity and the obstacles it faces. The movie,"Europa Europa", is presented as a point of comparison of attitudes.
640 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 22.95
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Abstract
This paper supports the idea that it is possible to overcome many obstacles to integration on the economic and governmental fronts; however, Europeans will not fully embrace this unity in their hearts. It examines the nationalistic elements in these governments which do not fully support EU integration. The movie,"Europa Europa", is presented as a point of comparison of attitudes.
From the Paper
"Since the end of World War II, the European community has been trying to achieve an atmosphere of cooperation and unity. They have broken down many barriers to trade and governments are learning to work as a unit. However, amid this happy cooperation, one fact cannot be denied. Europeans represent many cultures and identities, which have different histories and ideas. This paper supports the idea that it is possible to overcome many obstacles to integration on the economic and governmental fronts; however, Europeans will not fully embrace this unity in their hearts."
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