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Canadian Immigration Policy, 2008. An analysis of the changes to the Canadian immigration policy since World War II and specifically during the 1960s. 2,266 words (approx. 9.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 70.95 »
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Abstract This paper looks at the evolution of the Canadian immigration policy since the Second World War. Specifically, it discusses the dramatic shift which took place in the 1960s as Canada began to move away from its old preferential immigration policy under the Pearson government. Further, the paper analyzes how political, economic and demographic factors created a remarkable amount of momentum for policies which opened the doors (and kept them open) for non-European arrivals from the latter 1960s onward.
From the Paper "Lastly, Canada has moved substantially towards an immigration policy that permits family reunification for all immigrants - especially global south immigrants - with very few restrictions. In light of the fact that so many of today's immigrants are non-European (and, as noted previously, this has been the case since at least the middle-1970s), the end result is that this bit of Canadian policy-making has bolstered the already-high numbers of non-European groups within Canada. In the end, it would seem evident that successive Canadian governments - whether Conservative or Liberal - have embraced multicultural immigration because the swiftly-changing demographics of the land (and a new political landscape) leaves them no choice but to indulge non-Caucasian and non-European citizens."
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Hockey and Canadian Civic Pride, 2008. An examination of the way that Canadian civic pride and hockey are no longer interrelated. 2,509 words (approx. 10.0 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 76.95 »
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Abstract This paper examines the interrelated issues of civic pride and identity and the challenges of retaining big league sports teams in Canadian cities. The paper argues that the sources of civic pride are changing, such that hockey is no longer the chief or only source of a sense of civic pride and identity in Canadian cities. Moreover, the paper argues that this is a good thing, as hockey has become increasingly commercialized and public money should not end up in the private pockets of franchise holders.
From the Paper "Fortunately, as we have seen, civic identity and pride is no longer tied exclusively to hockey in Canada. People have grown up and moved on. This is a good thing, as hockey at the same time has morphed into a big-money sport that makes only a very few people richer - mainly just the franchise owners. It is untenable and unconscionable for people to be denied food, healthcare and housing, while taxpayers' money is poured into the pockets of already wealthy franchise owners. This will mean that more Canadian cities will see the departure of their teams to the big, wealthy cities of the USA's sunshine belt. It seems that Canadians will simply have to root their civic pride and identity in benefits for all, and learn to watch the games from afar. Fortunately, most of us have television!"
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Creating a New Trust, 2008. This paper discusses creating a new trust between the Canadian police and Aboriginal women of Canada. 2,046 words (approx. 8.2 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 64.95 »
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Abstract In this article, the writer discusses that Aboriginal women in Canada suffer a long-standing distrust of Canadian police that compromises their safety and citizenship. The writer notes that like all Canadians, First Nations women need police support to deter violence and injustice against them. If they cannot turn to the police, a fundamental democratic right that they are entitled to is not functioning properly. The writer points out that this problem has been written about by Aboriginal women's groups, Canadian policing organizations, and even Amnesty International. The writer maintains that the mainstream Canadian police continue to fail Aboriginal women because they lack the imagination necessary to conquer the problems that Aboriginal women face. Or, perhaps provincial police and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police have a good idea, but they lack the courage to employ it. The writer concludes that in either case, all Canadian citizens would benefit from new police initiatives that work for everyone.
From the Paper "It is exceptionally difficult, even in mainstream Canadian society, for a woman to extricate herself from a situation of domestic abuse. This requires financial and legal support. It means walking away from someone she once loved, or may still love. It means turning your life upside down while working with the police to ensure her safety. This is critical: without police support, a woman is open to harassment and assaults from not just her former spouse, but from anyone."
"But what if she distrusts the police? What if the police are, in her view, just another brutal gang that may well take advantage of her? A woman in peril cannot be expected to choose the protection of an untrustworthy bunch of thugs over the thug she intends to extricate herself from. That would be compounding her problem, rather than reducing it. As one Aboriginal writer noted in The Manitoban Online, even Native women who had been severely brutalized by family members still felt less safe when police were seen on the reservation."
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Multiculturalism in Canada, 2008. This paper argues against multiculturalism as the Canadian official policy. 2,655 words (approx. 10.6 pages), 7 sources, APA, $ 79.95 »
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Abstract The paper discusses how multiculturalism can cause more divisiveness than unity. The paper examines myths of multiculturalism and explains how it exaggerates differences between groups, as opposed to promoting a sense of shared humanity. The paper looks at multiculturalism as a low political development to promise ongoing distinction and isolation, as opposed to fostering efforts to adapt, learn and become Canadian.
Outline:
Introduction
Multiculturalism as Presented
Where Do the 'Non-Ethnic' Fit In?
Myths of Multiculturalism
Multiculturalism and the Ease of Life for 'Whites'
Conclusion
From the Paper "Supporters of official multiculturalism suggest that it is a mandatory requirement for all advanced democracies in the 21st century. (Kymlicka:1995) If one views the model of globalization and high mobility, multiethnic and multiracial communities forming across the world, one believes that multiculturalism's regard for difference will allow this interaction to be harmonious. However, detractors refer to a 'mosaic madness' that cannot possibly achieve the ideal wanted and also point to questionable points attached to Multiculturalism of which some supporters may be less aware. (See Bibby:1990) Canadians can fail to see the strong role played by multiculturalism's official communities in electoral processes, in effect, 'buying' blocs of ethnic community votes. This has been discussed popularly as a 'divide and conquer' approach that minimizes integration into mainstream politics as the newcomer is encouraged to rely upon the organized community as its source of political advice. Policy that is meant to glorify difference and diversity may actually create distinction, if not prejudice, in that there is less incentive for members of different communities to mix, find common ground, to view one another as fellow Canadians, regardless of their different origins."
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Globalization and the Media, 2008. An analysis of how the Canadian media is influenced by its multiculturalism and globalization. 1,828 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 58.95 »
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Abstract This paper examines the impact of globalization on Canada and the Canadian media. It argues that the media is responsible for carrying cultural influences, but that these influences are mostly coming from the United States and, to a limited extent, there is a presence of other cultures visible within the media in Canada. The paper also provides some examples of the multiculturalism that is evident in the Canadian media.
From the Paper "In Canada cultural influences are carried through the media but also with the different cultural communities in the Canadian society. The influences in the media are largely coming from the USA, and this is the case not only in Canada but also in most countries of the world. Due to Canadian multiculturalism, there is also some limited influence on the Canadian media from other, non-western cultures that now constitute an important part of Canada and its population. Although one can exist without the other it is unlikely that that will be the case. Overall, the larger effect of this case is that the community cultural influences can serve as a balance against the threat homogenizing of culture, and that globalization itself has a great potential for cultural influences that have so far largely been restricted to the export of US culture worldwide."
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Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), 2008. This paper defines corporate social responsibility (CSR) and evaluates the Canadian company RIM, maker of the Blackberry, on its CSR. 1,250 words (approx. 5.0 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 42.95 »
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Abstract This paper defines corporate social responsibility (CSR) as the fundamental duty that corporations have to act responsibly and ethically and in a manner that does not harm the environment. The paper continues that CSR also requires corporations to ensure all individuals directly or indirectly affected by its transactions are treated with respect and to conform to the letter and the spirit of the law. The author indicates that the priority measurement is the public and private records regarding the corporation's past behavior in the marketplace, such as employee abuses, environmental damage and legal difficulties, using a frequency metric over a period of time to establish a baseline for future measures of CSR behavior. The paper concludes that RIM does not do enough in its CSR related activities and should adopt programs to assist Canada's large immigrant population with integration into the broader social fabric of the Canadian population.
Table of Contents:
Corporate Social Responsibility
Representative Corporation
Population Characteristics
Target Company's CSR Profile
From the Paper "RIM maintains its CSR profile in several ways. The first example of how RIM adheres to a CSR imperative is that it has a publicly published and viewable code of ethics which requires that all its employees conform not only to all legal and regulatory mandates but that they also behave ethically appropriate as well. The code of ethics for the company originates directly from the office of the co-CEO, Jim Balsillie. Another example of RIM's compliance with CSR mandates is its basic factors that it requires its outsourcing partners to meet in order to maintain their manufacturing contracts with RIM." These contractor standards such as providing
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Policies on Aboriginal People in Canada, 2008. An analysis of the position of the Aboriginal people of Canada within the Canadian federal government. 1,527 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 12 sources, MLA, $ 50.95 »
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Abstract This paper discusses the impact and consequences of the federal and provincial government policies on the Aboriginal people of Canada. The paper suggests that the impact and consequences of federal and provincial policies against Aboriginal peoples have made their self-government and full sovereignty as a third partner in Canadian government the only viable means of retaining their identity and tribal cultural values.
From the Paper "The Aboriginal peoples of Canada have "a long history of the denial of self-government" (Cassidy 99). The Federal government abetted by the provincial governments with strong economic interests in appropriating and developing Indian lands are no longer viable systems of politics or the delivery of social services. Although Chris Anderson, himself an Aboriginal academic, cautions against the reliability of data from "such a blunt instrument like the census" (Anderson 2), if a national tribal council were called with the specific goal of beginning to formulate the framework of a sovereign Aboriginal nation, it is possible that a census of all Indians could be an effective part of that framework. To achieve sovereignty, the links with federalism and provincialism have to be broken; status labels have to be discarded. There are too many "policy formation mechanisms" (Cassidy 97) set up "to deal with the challenges presented by Aboriginal governments" [to provincial ones], but the challenges are presented to the Aboriginal peoples by the provincial and federal governments, not the other way around. The question is not why the Aboriginal people do not have the land, but why the Canadian government has it. Sovereignty is the unknown form but the only true answer."
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Gender Gaps in Canada, 2008. This paper looks at the effects of educational attainment on the gender wage gap in Canada. 1,821 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 58.95 »
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Abstract In this article, the writer discusses the gender-based wage gap in Canada as it relates to the educational levels of the economy's constituents. The writer notes that Canada's wage gap has not disappeared. Furthermore, the writer points out that it appears that the gap actually worsens the higher the educational level of women, based on a percentage of income compared to males of the same educational level. The writer concludes that now that the flush of global markets and quick economic expansion is maturing along with the global economy, many markets, including Canada, are left to explain why increased access to education, specifically, but other economic and social factors as well, has not fully closed the gender-based wage gap and why, in some cases, it appears to be widening again.
Outline:
Abstract
References
From the Paper "There exists much research that details how various economic and social factors affect gender earnings figures or the gender wage gap of workers in Canada. The importance of such research cannot be understated because it has significant relevance to almost every working adult in Canada but, in the long-term, it can also significantly impact the character of Canada's overall economic development. The long-term impact of such factors on Canada's economy are related to the competitiveness of its labour force within the context of the global economy as well as overall productivity factors manifested through measurements of gross domestic product (GDP). While there are may factors that can manifest such an impact on the Canadian economy, in terms of gender based wage gaps, one that is particularly troublesome is the effect that educational attainment has on the gender wage gap and, by extension, its ultimate impact on the Canadian economy."
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Current Senate Reform Proposals, 2008. A discussion of Canadian Senate reform proposals of the current federal conservative government. 1,350 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 45.95 »
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Abstract This paper looks at the debate swirling around whether or not the Canadian Senate should be reformed. In particular, the paper notes how the current arrangement appears to exacerbate regional tensions while simultaneously undermining the legitimacy of the democratic, representative process. After discussing the arguments opposing some kinds of Senate reform, the paper discusses the Harper government's proposals and their relative strengths and weaknesses. In the end, the paper argues that the current ideas for changing the Senate have some merits, but they are compromised by the fact that proposed elections to the Senate are non-binding upon the government - and by the fact that a reluctance to "go to the people" might be seen as arrogant and elitist.
From the Paper "The denunciations of the Canadian Senate do not end with the criticisms cited above. Particularly, opponents of the unelected Upper Chamber argue that the Senate really exacerbates the cleavages already tearing at the fabric of the Canadian union. For these scholars, western frustration and alienation is chiefly brought about by the collective sense that the territories west of Manitoba lack adequate representation in the decision-making processes of government (Lawson, 131). Without question, if the anger and frustration of the west continues to fester, there is the distinct possibility that western separatist movements and other difficulties could arise. As one final point, it surely cannot be overlooked that the Senate's unelected nature cuts deeply into any claims to legitimacy it may assert (Geddes, "All or Nothing," 32-33) and this too is undoubtedly another reason why western critics of the Senate find it so objectionable on those relatively rare occasions when it does do something substantive."
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World War I and Canadian Unity, 2008. A discussion of how World War I helped to forge a sense of Canadian unity. 2,760 words (approx. 11.0 pages), 14 sources, MLA, $ 82.95 »
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Abstract This paper examines how World War I involved a shared experience capable of galvanizing a Canadian unified identity. The paper describes accounts of nurses, gunners and others, who served in Europe and explains that Canadian achievements abroad were a source of particular pride. Finally, the paper tells of Canadian veterans, who have remained a generation remembered in many Canadian family stories as well as in Europe, and describes Canada's pride in its reputation as a country of military knowledge.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Canadian Participation
World War I as Remembered
Wars and Identity
Something to be Forgotten
Conclusion
From the Paper "Anthony Smith is a sociologist of the London School of Economics who is devoted to the study of nationalism and ethno-nationalism. He has long stressed the role of warfare and its experiences in forging cohesive identities. (1981) The experiences of war have a way of forging distinct groups whose self-images are made different from others, often in a cohesion not there before, or not in the same way. Jonathan Vance Reading commented on the lasting memory of the Great War that affected perhaps every Canadian family, and certainly, every community, an understanding of the horrors of the trenches of World War I part of national consciousness as much as awareness of what Canadians had achieved. (1997) If one is Canadian or feels a strong connection to Canadians or their sufferings in the World Wars, one may be surprised by one's reaction to signs of something Canadian that is not properly recognized. For instance, when preparing an assignment that addressed Major John McCrae MD (1872-1918) and his poem In Flanders Field, for a different university course, it was intriguing to discover a personal reaction of anger at a poem sometimes claimed by the British and Americans, a short reference made to 'a Canadian doctor'. His poem, now memorized by generations of Canadian school children and a strong symbol of the Canadians in World War II and the veterans of both World Wars 'feels' Canadian and he was not a mere doctor but a remarkable man."
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Child Poverty in Canada, 2008. This paper explores the extent of child poverty in Canada. 1,134 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 39.95 »
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Abstract The paper discusses Canada's problem with poverty in spite of a generally strong economy and social programs to offer aid to those below a certain economic level. The paper discusses how a focus on child poverty is beneficial for families and contributes to a reduction in poverty and other social problems for the next generations. The paper points out that policies such as reducing taxes that do not address the question of child poverty, might be politically beneficial but are essentially short-sighted.
From the Paper "The House of Commons in 1989 determined to find a way to eliminate poverty among Canadian children by the year 2000, but this has not been achieved. Instead, it has been shown that some 1.2 million children, or one in six, live in poverty today. A 2006 report shows that the issue is both a national and a provincial problem, with rates of poverty varying from one province to the next because of different public policies on income security and affordable housing. However, the current data shows that "no province has yet reduced poverty to a single digit figure as UNICEF challenged Canada to do" (Campaign 2000 2). Quebec is the only province showing a steady decline in child poverty since 1997, which is attributed "in part to a package of family support benefits implemented in 1997 including
rapid expansion of affordable early learning and child care services, an expanded child benefit and enhanced parental leave" (Campaign 2000 2)."
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Canadian Child Care Policy, 2008. This paper analyzes the Canadian child care policy from a Marxist perspective. 3,520 words (approx. 14.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 98.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that Canada does not provide child care allowing for the full employment of parents and, notably, working mothers who make up a large proportion of adults responsible for maintaining viable households. The author points out that the issues of childcare pertain not only to child poverty but also to matters that indicate the need for a national childcare directive. The paper relates that the 2007 Canadian Universal Child Care Benefit is a step forwards in aiding families with childcare expenses and promoting daycare expansion; however it does not promise practical help for families who are struggling. The author states that more poor Canadian mothers are moving to low income, ghettoized areas, which more often give access to subsidized child care facilities but at a price of exposure to crime and criminality.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Universality as Policy Defect
Who can Afford Childcare?
Assumptions to do with Mothers
'Working Class Child Care'
Observations of Social Welfare Research
Conclusion
From the Paper "Critics note that Denmark's policy addresses a small territory and a population below 6 millions yet the model of compulsory facilities seems a fine starting place for what might occur in the Canadian provinces to follow the example of Quebec. In general, one wishes effort was made to explore examples around the world and the costs and benefits of programs encouraging the rise of daycare facilities, programs to make care affordable and all manner of bridges to help unemployed or low income parents to achieve both needed daycare and employment, along with affordable housing, towards a more constructive solution to socioeconomic problems than what is now seen in Canada."
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Article: Karen Gugliemo's 'Is Offshore Outsourcing Worth the Loss of Jobs?', 2008. An analysis of the failing economics of international technology job markets in "Is Offshore Outsourcing Worth the Loss of Its Jobs?" by Karen Gugliemo in 2007"Tech Target--CIO". 1,470 words (approx. 5.9 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 48.95 »
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Abstract This paper explains that the basis of Gugliemo's article 'Is Offshore Outsourcing Worth the Loss of Its Jobs?' reflects the growing economic disparity that is occurring at the domestic level in the United States and in Canada. The author points out that her research indicates the growing exponential rate of American and Canadian jobs that are being exported over to third world countries have greatly lowered wage rates, threatening the middle class in North America. The paper relates that another factor is the policy making-leverage that America wields over most third world countries supplying technology job markets in the global market. The author underscores that, since many of these jobs are being provided to economically impoverished countries, there is a marked disadvantage not only to the workers being exploited in these countries but also to the workers on the North American continent. This paper includes long quotations.
Table of Contents:
Summary
Discussion
Analysis and Critique
From the Paper "In Gugliemo's article, the issue of a vanishing middle class is a dangerous idea for native North American technology workers. When companies continually find that they can outsource jobs without government regulation, the country will find itself in a crisis. While the rich get richer, and the poor get poorer, where does the middle class go? Certainly, they would find themselves in the majority of the poor, which can constitute a real danger of stability in the country. Throughout history when the middle class is a missing link between the rich and the poor, civil strife will most likely ensue."
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Canadian Unions and Globalization, 2008. This paper explores whether Canadian unions can compete in the global market. 2,229 words (approx. 8.9 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 69.95 »
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Abstract The paper discusses the need for unions to operate on a global scale if they are to protect workers against global forces. The paper shows how Canadian unions are attempting to work at a domestic and international level. The paper argues, however, that Canadian unions still have a long way to go before they can successfully compete on a global scale.
From the Paper "Unfortunately, in the main the power of Canadian trade unions is being eroded by the forces of globalization. Therefore, Cohen (2000) has pointed out that there is a need for "new international institutions designed to challenge the power of corporations and facilitate transparent and democratic intervention in relation to international trade and investment" (MacBride and Wiseman, 2000, p. 6). Moreover, in the main attempts by the labour unions to fight back against globalized forces of capitalism have been ineffective of misguided. For example, Swenarchuk (2000) points out that the proposal sponsored by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) "to include labour 'side-agreements' in international trade and investment treaties" is an inadequate response to the complex problems of a diminishing labour rights in the globalized economy."
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Immigration Policy and Canadian Nation-Building, 2008. This paper discusses the immigration policy in Canada as it relates to Canadian nation-building. 1,420 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 47.95 »
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Abstract This essay critically examines the issue of immigration and Canadian nation-building within a sociological perspective. A particular focus of the paper is on the contradiction between the ideal of immigration, as reflected in the changes to immigration policy in the 1960s and the introduction of official multiculturalism in the 1970s, and the realities of immigration in regard to its being embedded in the social class and power distribution structures of Canada. In this context, the paper argues that in our capitalist society immigration policy has primarily served the interests of capital in the form of labor force reproduction. This being said, it is then argued that the existence of a multicultural and multiracial society represents a clear challenge to the existing power distribution in Canadian society; a challenge that has been met by policies such as official multiculturalism which are instruments by which the capitalist state seeks to control and channel dissent and thereby ensure the perpetuation of the Canadian status quo.
From the Paper "Thus, the labour force of Canada was not biologically reproducing itself on a generational basis by the later decades of the twentieth century. In order to meet this shortfall, the Government of Canada resorted to immigration to supply a labour force to meet the demands of the Canadian economy. These demands are complex, for the Labour Force Reproduction model indicates that the economy needs a labour supply not only in terms of production but also to consume the goods produced. As a result, in the years in which the Canadian fertility rates were declining (after 1956) the Canadian immigration levels were increasing. From 1954 to 1992 Canada accepted 5.7 million immigrants. These immigrants fulfilled a wide number of economic roles in Canadian society, from contributing as business class immigrants and supplying entrepreneurial investment funds, to those who work in the commercial and corporate sectors. In addition, we must not forget the significant numbers of immigrants who worked as unpaid labour - often women - and so subsidized the paid labour force in Canada."
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