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The Origin of Russian Marxism, 2008.
A explanation of the origins of Marxism in Russia.
2,109 words (approx. 8.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 66.95
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Abstract
This paper studies the origins of Russian Marxism that originated from the theories and writings of Karl Marx and Freidrich Engels and which called for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of rule by the proletariat. The paper relates that, although Marx's intended audience had always been primarily the working class people of Europe, especially in Germany, it was the Russian Marxists who were the first to lead a successful revolution against capitalism.
From the Paper
"Das Kapital and The Communist Manifesto had a profound influence on the origins and development of Russian Marxism. These books described why the exploited working classes of capitalistic societies would suffer from alienation, rise up against the middle classes, and overthrow the system of capitalism. Then, according to Marx and Engels, after a brief period of rule by the dictatorship of the proletariat, the classless
society of communism would emerge. (Marx and Engels 99-102)
"The Communist Manifesto was basically a written version of everything Marx had been saying for years. Although it was Russian Marxists who were the first to lead a successful revolution against capitalism, Marx's intended audience had always been primarily the working class people of Europe, especially in Germany, and he spared no effort to incite them with his inflammatory rhetoric of class warfare. His intention was to persuade the workers of Germany that revolution was not only the sole answer to their oppression and misery, it was historically inevitable because of the scientific laws of history.
"The Communist Manifesto was published in February 1848 in order to fan the flames of revolt which were then smoldering across Europe. Marx had declared that Germany should be the chief focus of Communist interest because the proletariat in that country was more developed than it had been when either the French or English bourgeoisie had struggled for their independence. He believed that the proletarian revolution would arrive first in Germany, so when unrest broke out there in March of 1848, he traveled with much anticipation to the Rhineland to observe unfolding events."
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Canadian Child Care Policy, 2008.
This paper analyzes the Canadian child care policy from a Marxist perspective.
3,520 words (approx. 14.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 98.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Canada does not provide child care allowing for the full employment of parents and, notably, working mothers who make up a large proportion of adults responsible for maintaining viable households. The author points out that the issues of childcare pertain not only to child poverty but also to matters that indicate the need for a national childcare directive. The paper relates that the 2007 Canadian Universal Child Care Benefit is a step forwards in aiding families with childcare expenses and promoting daycare expansion; however it does not promise practical help for families who are struggling. The author states that more poor Canadian mothers are moving to low income, ghettoized areas, which more often give access to subsidized child care facilities but at a price of exposure to crime and criminality.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Universality as Policy Defect
Who can Afford Childcare?
Assumptions to do with Mothers
'Working Class Child Care'
Observations of Social Welfare Research
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Critics note that Denmark's policy addresses a small territory and a population below 6 millions yet the model of compulsory facilities seems a fine starting place for what might occur in the Canadian provinces to follow the example of Quebec. In general, one wishes effort was made to explore examples around the world and the costs and benefits of programs encouraging the rise of daycare facilities, programs to make care affordable and all manner of bridges to help unemployed or low income parents to achieve both needed daycare and employment, along with affordable housing, towards a more constructive solution to socioeconomic problems than what is now seen in Canada."
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Nationalism, 2008.
An overview of the definition of nationalism and its effect on 20th century European politics.
4,263 words (approx. 17.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 113.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that nationalism developed as a political ideology and a state reality in the nineteenth century, emerging once various groups of people began to see themselves as part of a nation rather than some other geographical designation. This paper discusses how nationalism shaped several of the states of Europe leading into the twentieth century and how nationalism as an ideology was strong in Germany and added to conflicts leading to World War I. The paper also examines how World War II was a continuation of many of the same forces, again with Germany as provocateur against many of the other states in Europe.
Outline:
Introduction
National Boundaries
Italy and Germany
War in the Twentieth Century
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Security has always been a major component of social relations, with groups of people intent in protecting themselves from encroachments on their territory and prerogatives banding together for greater strength. The idea of national security extends beyond the immediate neighborhood, village, or town to a larger entity known as the nation-state, and people only began to develop a sense of national identity after the feudal era. The trend began in the sixteenth century with the breakup of the Holy Roman Empire (Manchester, 1993, pp. 159-160). "
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Globalization and the Middle East: Iran, 2007.
A discussion of the Iranian response to globalization.
1,745 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that modern-day Iran is behaving in response to long-held grievances with western powers (like the United States and Great Britain) and because the globalization and integrated world that the West champions (most conspicuously the United States) is perceived as a direct threat to Iran's status as a theocracy, and a direct threat to the austere, non-consumerist tenets of traditional Islam. The paper explains that globalization threatens the very fabric of present Iranian society and the country's leaders therefore want to combat it and those they feel embody values inimical to their own interests. The paper also looks at what it is that has prompted the Middle Eastern land's angry denunciations of Israel, its stubborn adherence to a nuclear development program that is condemned by many in the western world, and its frequently negative characterizations of the United States. The paper concludes that one of the most compelling reasons for Iran's 'odd' actions is that globalization brings with it many threats to Iran and to its leadership; it is also a reminder, surely, of the western imperialism which impressed itself upon Iran in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
From the Paper
"To begin with, Iran is a nation that is comparatively insular and one which is dominated by a religion that frowns upon the "decadent," consumption-driven and even hedonistic lifestyle of the west. It is also, if its sometimes hysterical rhetoric and habitual defensiveness about what it is doing and why it is doing it are any indication, a nation that is deeply insecure - or, at the very least, its leaders are very insecure. More than that, Iran is a nation which has long bristled at the projection of western power via globalization and changing technologies and this has pushed it to the forefront of Middle Eastern nations committed to turning back that projection anyway they can."
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A Democratic Audit of China, 2008.
A look at the forces that have hindered China's movement towards a democratic government in the past 20 years.
2,515 words (approx. 10.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 76.95
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Abstract
Through a detailed analysis of 3 key topics from the democratic assessment framework in application to China, this paper attempts to understand how China is today a country still far removed from the promise of democracy. The paper looks at how important the issues of collective identity/citizenship, the rule of law, and economic rights are to the future of China and recognizes that it is difficult to come to a conclusion since China is still fundamentally an authoritarian state in which power is monopolized by the political-economic elite.
Outline:
Introduction
Nationhood and Citizenship
The Rule of Law and Access to Justice
Economic and Social Rights
Conclusion
From the Paper
"It must be acknowledged that this development of an authoritarian economic state was essential to the survival of China's ruling elite in the wake of the global collapse of communism in the early 1990s (Huang 54). In this analysis, it is was primarily through the ruling political elite's reaching out to the emerging business classes and co-opting them that allowed the Chinese system to survive the collapse of communism as an ideological system. However, it must be acknowledged that this has occurred at a great cost as one of the consequences of the development of this new elite has been a marked increase in corruption that parallels economic dislocation for much of the population (Fuller 152)."
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The Development of Liberalism, 2008.
This paper discusses the development of liberalism as a political philosophy.
1,425 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
The paper relates that liberalism emerged as a political philosophy during the Enlightenment era in Europe and was espoused by political philosophers such as John Locke. The paper defines liberalism as a political ideology based upon representative government and individual rights. The paper explains that it emphasizes strong support for a broad interpretation of civil liberties, for freedom of expression, religious toleration, the separation of church and state and for widespread popular participation in the political process. The paper reveals that for three hundred years liberalism has attempted to establish itself as a transcendent political philosophy in opposition to autocratic and totalitarian political ideologies. The paper concludes that it may ultimately fall to the very ideology it replaced; autocratic theocracy.
From the Paper
"Understanding liberalism is important because it has been a prevailing political philosophy in the Western world for more than two centuries. It is also important to emphasize that, "liberalism is not one simple, undifferentiated doctrine. As with other doctrines or ideologies, there are varieties of liberalism." (Sally) For example, "all liberals agree on the primacy of individual freedom and individual choice, which distinguishes liberalism from socialism and nationalism. But some liberals argue in favor of these core values by means of highly abstract reasoning." (Sally)"
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Immigration Policy and Canadian Nation-Building, 2008.
This paper discusses the immigration policy in Canada as it relates to Canadian nation-building.
1,420 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This essay critically examines the issue of immigration and Canadian nation-building within a sociological perspective. A particular focus of the paper is on the contradiction between the ideal of immigration, as reflected in the changes to immigration policy in the 1960s and the introduction of official multiculturalism in the 1970s, and the realities of immigration in regard to its being embedded in the social class and power distribution structures of Canada. In this context, the paper argues that in our capitalist society immigration policy has primarily served the interests of capital in the form of labor force reproduction. This being said, it is then argued that the existence of a multicultural and multiracial society represents a clear challenge to the existing power distribution in Canadian society; a challenge that has been met by policies such as official multiculturalism which are instruments by which the capitalist state seeks to control and channel dissent and thereby ensure the perpetuation of the Canadian status quo.
From the Paper
"Thus, the labour force of Canada was not biologically reproducing itself on a generational basis by the later decades of the twentieth century. In order to meet this shortfall, the Government of Canada resorted to immigration to supply a labour force to meet the demands of the Canadian economy. These demands are complex, for the Labour Force Reproduction model indicates that the economy needs a labour supply not only in terms of production but also to consume the goods produced. As a result, in the years in which the Canadian fertility rates were declining (after 1956) the Canadian immigration levels were increasing. From 1954 to 1992 Canada accepted 5.7 million immigrants. These immigrants fulfilled a wide number of economic roles in Canadian society, from contributing as business class immigrants and supplying entrepreneurial investment funds, to those who work in the commercial and corporate sectors. In addition, we must not forget the significant numbers of immigrants who worked as unpaid labour - often women - and so subsidized the paid labour force in Canada."
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Canadian Business and Labor History, 2008.
This paper analyzes the book "Auto Pact: Creating a Borderless North American Auto Industry" by Anastakis, Dimitry and looks at the history of Canadian business and labor.
2,300 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
The writer of this article discusses that in the book "Auto Pact: Creating a Borderless North American Auto Industry" the author argues that the Automotive Products Trade Agreement (APTA, the "auto pact") signed between Canada and the United States in January, 1965 was really made possible not only by negotiations between the governments but, more importantly, by the intervention of the big three automotive companies, GM, Chrysler, and Ford. The writer maintains that what makes his main argument convincing is that he situates the context of the idea of APTA within the polar opposites that characterized that era in both countries: protectionism versus free trade, nationalism versus continentalism. The writer points out that Anastakis also cites the significant differences in the role of the State in industry between the United States and Canada.
From the Paper
"This is a good example where the author doesn't shy away from citing facts or events that are contrary to his thesis; in fact, this instance supports it because it reveals the lack of perception on the part of the Canadian government (at least) to consider the problem in a larger context with perhaps a different solution. Although government interference is countenanced in Canada (and currently welcomed by the resurgent auto industry), it is anathema in the United States. This was precisely the area in which the confrontation between the two nations would come, and it would be out of this impasse that the idea of APTA was born by a chance suggestion between adversaries."
"Another excellent feature of the author's argument is his ability to highlight the main issues within the details of chronicling the political and economic events."
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| Term Paper # 102384 |
temporarily unavailable
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"The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11", 2008.
A critical book review of Lawrence Wright's "The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11."
2,595 words (approx. 10.4 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 78.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how Lawrence Wright's "The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 "contains a wealth of information and gives some real insight into just what on earth caused the horrifying terrorist attack of 9/11. The paper looks at how the book includes key themes such as the origins of the extremist Islamist ideology that would fuel Al-Qaeda, and the way it was fanned into extremism by the horrors of torture in Egyptian jails in the 1980s. The paper also examines how the book describes how it was possible for American intelligence to fail so utterly to foresee or prevent the disaster.
From the Paper
"Wright traces the origins of Al-Qaeda all the way back to Egypt, beginning in 1948 in Alexandria with Sayyid Qutb, foreign student in the USA - who would later write some of the books that would inspire and inflame those Muslim radicals who were turning to Takfir (the mirror image of Islam, which purports to be orthodox, while at the same time encouraging murder). Geographically his extensive background spans universities in Egypt, building construction sites in Saudi Arabia, the war in Afghanistan, the rise of the Taliban, the setting up of radical Muslim cells in Pakistan - not to mention Qutb's happy days in Greeley, Colorado."
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Shortage of Nurses, 2008.
This paper discusses the possible hiring of foreign nurses to help with the shortage of nurses in the US.
828 words (approx. 3.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 29.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses that the problem of shortages of nurses in the US continues to grow. One solution to the problem is enticing students to choose the career of nursing. The writer notes that another solution for the United States is to hire foreign nurses to come to the United States. The writer maintains that many nurses living in Africa and other undeveloped nations are willing to migrate to the United States in order to receive higher wages and better benefits. The writer acknowledges that the problem with this solution is that it leaves a shortage of nurses in undeveloped countries where health care is needed. Yet, the writer argues that this may be the best solution for the United States.
From the Paper
"These two statistics show the need for the United States to find solutions to the nursing shortage. Solutions to end the shortage of nurses must be found before 2020 when many employees are no longer able to work and more nurses are needed to care for the elderly. One solution to the shortage is hiring nurses from other countries."
"The shortage of nurses continues to be a serious problem. The shortage of nurses is not only in the United States, but also in many other countries. The growing shortage is contributed to by having more employees becoming retired or unable to work due to age."
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Immigrants in Toronto, 2008.
This paper provides a report on immigrants in Toronto and discusses the suburbanization of immigration.
1,191 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 40.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer provides a comparison and contrast of two distinct Toronto electoral districts; one in the downtown core that has served as a traditional immigration reception area, and one in the suburbs. The writer points out that their social compositions is important for what it reveals the changing ethnic demographics of Canadian society. The writer looks at how these changes are shaping the urban landscape of the major cities. This essay argues that a comparative analysis of these two districts reveals the suburbanization of immigration in Canada, as now established immigrants seek to migrate internally within the city from the downtown to the suburbs. The writer maintains that this intra-migration is complemented by direct settlement of new immigrants from abroad into Toronto's suburbs, effectively bypassing neighbourhoods such as the famous Kensington Market that were defined by successive waves of immigration for much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Outline:
Introduction
Social Composition: A Comparative Analysis of the Numbers
Ethnic Groups and Visible Minorities in the Landscape
Commentary
From the Paper
"Thus, it may be argued that many of the visible signs of immigrant presence in this area are remnants of past settlement, and that the former immigrant settlers in this district have moved elsewhere in Toronto. Indeed, the fact that the Italian population in York West is more than double that of "Little Italy" suggests that many former Italian immigrants and/or their children may have moved from the downtown to the suburbs. In contrast to "Little Italy" which seems to be a "shell" of its former self, the Chinatown neighbourhood of Trinity-Spadina reveals how dominant this one ethnic group is in the visible landscape of the district; a visual dominance that reflects its 52.2 percent of the district's visible minority population."
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| Term Paper # 102292 |
temporarily unavailable
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Commodity Fetishism, 2008.
A discussion of the significance and implications of commodity fetishism in terms of capitalism and democracy.
1,685 words (approx. 6.7 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 54.95
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Abstract
This paper examines commodity fetishism, a central tenet in Marxist theory, as well as crucial cornerstone in globalization. The paper claims that despite this central importance to Marxist theory, commodity fetishism is too often overlooked or misinterpreted by social and economic theorists who employ (or criticize) Marxist theoretical approaches. As such, there has been a general lack of understanding regarding how commodity fetishism influences the development and manifestation of advanced, or late, capitalist societies. The paper aims to unveil the meaning and significance of commodity fetishism, particularly in order to reveal what this concept can tell us about human relations under capitalism, freedom, ideology, equality, and democratic ideals. In the end, the paper concludes that commodity fetishism only demands that all social relations be conducted through the marketplace and through the medium of commodity exchange, but has no interest in liberty or democracy beyond this point, a realization that should give pause to claims that capitalism is the harbinger of democracy.
From the Paper
"In this way, commodity fetishism is more than just an ideological category that is a part of capitalism--instead, it is inseparably linked to capitalism, being a component without which capitalism cannot function (Wenning par. 11). Commodity fetishism dictates that social relations will be defined in terms of the values placed on commodities, making the commodities a crucial part of all social relations in a capitalist society. Commodity fetishism occurs because under capitalism the medium of exchange of the whole of individuals' material lives is the commodity. One trades his or her labor--a kind of commodity--for currency--another kind--which is then exchanged for other commodities no longer produced by the individual or even the community. In these instances, it is only commodities that shift hands as they are exchanged according to the value that is placed in them by, what Marx deems, a fetishizing impulse. The value of commodities is, to a large degree, utterly arbitrary. A tiny diamond is worth far more than a loaf of bread, even though the latter is much more valuable and necessary in a practical sense in the day-to-day life of an individual. Capitalism fetishizes commodities and imbues them with values completely out of proportion to their function or usefulness to individuals or communities."
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U.S. Government in a Hobbesian Perspective, 2008.
A comparison between Hobbes' theories and the structure of the US Government.
750 words (approx. 3.0 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper compares and contrasts the ideas of political philosopher Thomas Hobbes with the structure of the US Government. It looks at the topic from three different angles in the following logical order: Hobbes's view of human nature, desire and competition for power, and checks and balances or separation of powers (although Hobbes himself made no room for this last category in his philosophy). The paper concludes that the principle of Hobbes which probably would find favor with the founders of the Constitution was his version of the golden rule, "Do not that to another, which thou wouldst not have done to thyself." This is a rule based on mutual self-interest, and does not depend on one particular form of government for its effectiveness.
Table of Contents:
Hobbes' View of Human Nature
Desire and Competition for Power
Separation of Powers and Checks and Balances
From the Paper
"In this area, Hobbes' ideal probably comes closest to that of the founding documents of the United States, in which the "pursuit of happiness" is considered a basic goal of citizens, and to make those goals possible requires the creation of an orderly government. However, the nature of this created government is very different in Hobbes' ideal than in that of the United States. For Hobbes, the government which was formed by mutual agreement among the people of a given area (again, only motivated by self-interest against the natural state of competition) would have to be one of absolute sovereignty, i.e. a "Leviathan" or overwhelming force, which he believed necessary to counter all of the other individual forces that would otherwise pull it apart. Then, the natural competition for power among individuals would be forcefully limited by a greater power."
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