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The Family and its Relation to Politics, 2008.
A comparison of the views on family and politics expressed by John Locke in "Second Treatise of Government" and by Confucius in "The Analects."
2,696 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the family unit and its relationship with politics. It looks at John Locke's views, in his "Second Treatise of Government" of the place and nature of the family as a social unit in its contribution to what we today know as political science. It also looks at the viewed expressed in "The Analects" of Confucius. The paper compares and contrasts the two authors' views on family and politics.
Outline:
Introduction
Second Treatise of Government
The Analects and the Ideal Family
Reflection and Conclusion
From the Paper
"As approaches to the family in relation to the greater forces of politic science and social order, both Locke and Confucius are intriguing to investigate, again, referring to the present, given that both began in reactions to observed and experienced political turbulence and situations of social disorder. For instance, what does it mean when conservative Americans and others proclaim the need for what are called Family Values, or why is it that members of non-Western societies so denounce what they perceive of Western individualism and non-existent family life? Put differently, what implications can be expected in societies to very much emphasis individualism, personal agency and competition, as part of how children are prepared for adult life? In the case of what is referred to as the Sinic World of cultures shaped by Chinese civilization, why might authoritarian governments of one kind or another be expected, or accepted?"
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Empires in the First Half of the 20th Century, 2008.
A comparison of imperial China and the Austro-Hungarian empire during the first half of the 20th century.
1,760 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the transformations in political structures that took place in the first part of the 20th century in China and Europe, in particular the area of Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was territorially-reconstructed after World War I. The paper points out that China was an Empire for two thousand years and Austro-Hungary was Europe's oldest great power. The paper argues that nationalism was the leading cause of the changes that took place. While imperial China stayed territorially more or less the same, its political structure changed significantly. The Austro-Hungarian Empire on the other hand ceased to exist, and the Empire collapsed, much like most European Empires at the time, giving birth to new nations and various forms of governments. Noting the general trend of change in both China and Europe, the paper concludes that, as empires crumbled, they were replaced by several forms of governments ranging from democracies to totalitarian regimes.
From the Paper
"There were many consequences of World War I, including the ten million casualties in the armies (Esler, 2004). Also, this war significantly changed the map of Europe. The Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed and in its place several new nations were born. The Slavic nationalists were somewhat appeased by the treaty of Versailles. Yugoslavia was formed, unifying Southern Slavs, with its core in Serbia. Czechoslovakia too was a Slavic country formed with the break up of Austro-Hungary (Sontag, 1971). The Russian Empire crumbled and was replaced with a communist revolution and regime. The treaty of Versailles also significantly weakened Germany. It was stripped of its colonies, disarmed and forced to pay reparations. Parts of it were given to Poland and the Czech Republic."
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The United States: Freedom and Democracy, 2008.
This paper maintains that the United States has not fulfilled its purpose of democracy and freedom for all.
727 words (approx. 2.9 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 25.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how America is one of the greatest countries in the world but has fallen short of its purpose and potential concerning freedom and democracy. The paper looks at the United States' low levels of voter participation and its failure in protecting the country from tragedies like September 11th.
From the Paper
"How has the United States demonstrated that it is an exceptional nation from other nations? Has the United States fallen short of its original purpose? The United States was formed with the idea of democracy and freedom for all. Today, the United States is one of the largest countries in the world. "The US is the world's third largest country today (after only China and India) and projections suggest it will remain number Three in the decades immediately ahead" (Eberstadt). The United States in 1865 was a growing country where immigrants chose to come because they desired to have freedom and democracy. Today, in 2007, America is one of the greatest countries in the world with the United States being the most exceptional and powerful nations of the world. Unfortunately, the United States has fallen short of its purpose and potential concerning freedom and democracy."
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Bush's Power and Non-Binding Resolutions, 2008.
A passionate discussion regarding non-binding resolution issues in light of the troop surge in Iraq.
3,143 words (approx. 12.6 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 91.95
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Abstract
The paper asserts that representative democracy in the United States has been seriously undermined by a President who violates the Constitution and federal laws whenever he feels like it. The paper discusses the non-binding resolution against the troop surge passed by the House of Representatives that had no chance of preventing the surge. The paper argues that unless the current president is impeached and removed from office by the Senate, no other resolution or bill passed by Congress will prevent him from implementing any policy he chooses.
From the Paper
"The non-binding resolution passed by the House on February 16 did not prevent the troop surge, and if the past seven years are any indication, no other resolution or bill passed by Congress will prevent the current president from implementing any policy he chooses, for he has and will continue to invoke what he calls "unitary executive" powers in order to authorize and justify his actions. At some point, Democrats in Congress may finally figure out that Impeaching this president is the only way to restore responsibility to the White House, will do so, and will call upon the Senate to convict him for multiple Impeachable offenses."
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American Presidency and Political Time, 2008.
An analysis of Stephen Skowronek's theory of presidential leadership and political time in his book "The Politics Presidents Make", applied to the Bush administration's handling of the war in Iraq.
3,330 words (approx. 13.3 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 95.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the concept of presidential leadership and the theory of political time delineated in Stephen Skowronek's "The Politics Presidents Make". The idea of political time means first that the given president is situated at different points in the life-cycle of a given political regime and, second, that presidents stand in different relation to the dominant political regime and its "regime party." The paper also focuses on what Skowronek calls "orthodox-innovators", or leaders whose actions are strongly influenced by the ulterior motives of his regime. The paper considers how this applies to the current war in Iraq and to the actions of George W. Bush in taking the U.S. into that war. It concludes that this issue has been much argued since the start of that war and will continue to be discussed far into the future, not simply until the war ends but long after as historians and others seek to understand the rationale for this war.
Outline:
Introduction
Political Time
Political Regime
The Orthodox-Innovator
Iraq
From the Paper
"Skowronek identifies the orthodox-innovator as a "faithful son," meaning not a son of a political leader but a son of a political party, movement, or regime that shapes the faithful son's political leanings and career. These are also the presidents who are associated with "a resilient set of governmental commitments" (Skowronek 41). The presidents considered here all fit the mold, meaning James Monroe, James K. Polk, Theodore Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, George H.W. Bush, and George W. Bush. All emerged from a political tradition they could be expected to support and yet that they in part denied as they pursued their little wars, often in order to assert American power not just to other countries but domestically as well, supposedly correcting earlier failures to do so and thus affirming the strengths their followers want supported, or doing so to counter charges by the opposition of weakness. It is considered less surprising when a Republican president affirms American power by engaging in a military action, for instance, while a Democratic president might do so just to show that the view that Democratic leaders are not able to handle the need for a military response."
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U.S. Military Tribunals, 2008.
This paper explores the justice of military tribunals in post-9/11 America.
1,612 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 52.95
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Abstract
The paper argues that military tribunals are necessary and perfectly acceptable in post-9/11 America because there are constitutional and legislative precedents which allow for them. The paper asserts that as long as the President follows basic international laws vis-a-vis the treatment of prisoners who are detained and brought before American military tribunals, he is under no obligation to grant them the same constitutional rights and protections American citizens would enjoy in a civilian court-room.
From the Paper
"Of course, critics of the existing military tribunals are legion - not least of all because the tribunals have in place laws that seem diametrically opposed to the procedural (even substantive) laws that have under-girded Anglo-American law for centuries. When the Bush Administration first set forth its guidelines for military tribunals near the end of 2001, the public outcry was considerable for the simple reason that the new measures seemed remarkably free of any rules at all. For instance, the Bush policy precluded any review of tribunal decisions by an independent court; as well, the rules of evidence were such that any material submitted for the tribunal's consideration was admissible just so long as it had "probative value to a reasonable person" (Knowland, para.8). Going further, convictions and sentencing required only a two-thirds vote and not unanimity."
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Locke and Rousseau on Economic Inequality, 2008.
A comparison of John Locke's "Second Treatise of Government" and Jean-Jacques Rousseau's "Discourse on the Origin of Inequality".
2,790 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 83.95
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Abstract
This essay compares and contrasts two theoretical models regarding economic inequality. The first is presented by John Locke in his "Second Treatise of Government", which addresses the origins of economic inequality. The second, which is in sharp distinction to these views, is presented by French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his "Discourse on the Origin of Inequality". The paper outlines the strengths and weaknesses of both. It argues that, while both works are very similar in their imagined origins of economic inequality in the early history of property, they differ radically in how they represent property and the justifications for its differing accumulations that ultimately give rise to economic inequality. The paper concludes that Locke envisions property and moderate levels of economic inequality as a good thing, while Rousseau condemns this inequality as a corrupting influence upon human society in every respect.
From the Paper
"However, while there is a superficial similarity between how Locke and Rousseau each conceive of the state of nature, there is one important distinction between the two: property. While Locke conceives, as noted above, of an equality of property as existing in the state of nature, Rousseau contends that the innovation of property itself marked the ending of the state of nature and the beginning of human society.
"This is an important difference, and it goes to the heart of how each philosopher conceives of economic inequality. For example, it is clear from the outset of Rousseau's description of the state of nature and its defining characteristics that he sees property as not only a negative aspect of human society but as being fundamentally illegitimate as well."
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The Origin of Russian Marxism, 2008.
A explanation of the origins of Marxism in Russia.
2,109 words (approx. 8.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 66.95
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Abstract
This paper studies the origins of Russian Marxism that originated from the theories and writings of Karl Marx and Freidrich Engels and which called for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of rule by the proletariat. The paper relates that, although Marx's intended audience had always been primarily the working class people of Europe, especially in Germany, it was the Russian Marxists who were the first to lead a successful revolution against capitalism.
From the Paper
"Das Kapital and The Communist Manifesto had a profound influence on the origins and development of Russian Marxism. These books described why the exploited working classes of capitalistic societies would suffer from alienation, rise up against the middle classes, and overthrow the system of capitalism. Then, according to Marx and Engels, after a brief period of rule by the dictatorship of the proletariat, the classless
society of communism would emerge. (Marx and Engels 99-102)
"The Communist Manifesto was basically a written version of everything Marx had been saying for years. Although it was Russian Marxists who were the first to lead a successful revolution against capitalism, Marx's intended audience had always been primarily the working class people of Europe, especially in Germany, and he spared no effort to incite them with his inflammatory rhetoric of class warfare. His intention was to persuade the workers of Germany that revolution was not only the sole answer to their oppression and misery, it was historically inevitable because of the scientific laws of history.
"The Communist Manifesto was published in February 1848 in order to fan the flames of revolt which were then smoldering across Europe. Marx had declared that Germany should be the chief focus of Communist interest because the proletariat in that country was more developed than it had been when either the French or English bourgeoisie had struggled for their independence. He believed that the proletarian revolution would arrive first in Germany, so when unrest broke out there in March of 1848, he traveled with much anticipation to the Rhineland to observe unfolding events."
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Canadian Child Care Policy, 2008.
This paper analyzes the Canadian child care policy from a Marxist perspective.
3,520 words (approx. 14.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 98.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Canada does not provide child care allowing for the full employment of parents and, notably, working mothers who make up a large proportion of adults responsible for maintaining viable households. The author points out that the issues of childcare pertain not only to child poverty but also to matters that indicate the need for a national childcare directive. The paper relates that the 2007 Canadian Universal Child Care Benefit is a step forwards in aiding families with childcare expenses and promoting daycare expansion; however it does not promise practical help for families who are struggling. The author states that more poor Canadian mothers are moving to low income, ghettoized areas, which more often give access to subsidized child care facilities but at a price of exposure to crime and criminality.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Universality as Policy Defect
Who can Afford Childcare?
Assumptions to do with Mothers
'Working Class Child Care'
Observations of Social Welfare Research
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Critics note that Denmark's policy addresses a small territory and a population below 6 millions yet the model of compulsory facilities seems a fine starting place for what might occur in the Canadian provinces to follow the example of Quebec. In general, one wishes effort was made to explore examples around the world and the costs and benefits of programs encouraging the rise of daycare facilities, programs to make care affordable and all manner of bridges to help unemployed or low income parents to achieve both needed daycare and employment, along with affordable housing, towards a more constructive solution to socioeconomic problems than what is now seen in Canada."
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Nationalism, 2008.
An overview of the definition of nationalism and its effect on 20th century European politics.
4,263 words (approx. 17.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 113.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that nationalism developed as a political ideology and a state reality in the nineteenth century, emerging once various groups of people began to see themselves as part of a nation rather than some other geographical designation. This paper discusses how nationalism shaped several of the states of Europe leading into the twentieth century and how nationalism as an ideology was strong in Germany and added to conflicts leading to World War I. The paper also examines how World War II was a continuation of many of the same forces, again with Germany as provocateur against many of the other states in Europe.
Outline:
Introduction
National Boundaries
Italy and Germany
War in the Twentieth Century
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Security has always been a major component of social relations, with groups of people intent in protecting themselves from encroachments on their territory and prerogatives banding together for greater strength. The idea of national security extends beyond the immediate neighborhood, village, or town to a larger entity known as the nation-state, and people only began to develop a sense of national identity after the feudal era. The trend began in the sixteenth century with the breakup of the Holy Roman Empire (Manchester, 1993, pp. 159-160). "
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Globalization and the Middle East: Iran, 2007.
A discussion of the Iranian response to globalization.
1,745 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that modern-day Iran is behaving in response to long-held grievances with western powers (like the United States and Great Britain) and because the globalization and integrated world that the West champions (most conspicuously the United States) is perceived as a direct threat to Iran's status as a theocracy, and a direct threat to the austere, non-consumerist tenets of traditional Islam. The paper explains that globalization threatens the very fabric of present Iranian society and the country's leaders therefore want to combat it and those they feel embody values inimical to their own interests. The paper also looks at what it is that has prompted the Middle Eastern land's angry denunciations of Israel, its stubborn adherence to a nuclear development program that is condemned by many in the western world, and its frequently negative characterizations of the United States. The paper concludes that one of the most compelling reasons for Iran's 'odd' actions is that globalization brings with it many threats to Iran and to its leadership; it is also a reminder, surely, of the western imperialism which impressed itself upon Iran in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
From the Paper
"To begin with, Iran is a nation that is comparatively insular and one which is dominated by a religion that frowns upon the "decadent," consumption-driven and even hedonistic lifestyle of the west. It is also, if its sometimes hysterical rhetoric and habitual defensiveness about what it is doing and why it is doing it are any indication, a nation that is deeply insecure - or, at the very least, its leaders are very insecure. More than that, Iran is a nation which has long bristled at the projection of western power via globalization and changing technologies and this has pushed it to the forefront of Middle Eastern nations committed to turning back that projection anyway they can."
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A Democratic Audit of China, 2008.
A look at the forces that have hindered China's movement towards a democratic government in the past 20 years.
2,515 words (approx. 10.1 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 76.95
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Abstract
Through a detailed analysis of 3 key topics from the democratic assessment framework in application to China, this paper attempts to understand how China is today a country still far removed from the promise of democracy. The paper looks at how important the issues of collective identity/citizenship, the rule of law, and economic rights are to the future of China and recognizes that it is difficult to come to a conclusion since China is still fundamentally an authoritarian state in which power is monopolized by the political-economic elite.
Outline:
Introduction
Nationhood and Citizenship
The Rule of Law and Access to Justice
Economic and Social Rights
Conclusion
From the Paper
"It must be acknowledged that this development of an authoritarian economic state was essential to the survival of China's ruling elite in the wake of the global collapse of communism in the early 1990s (Huang 54). In this analysis, it is was primarily through the ruling political elite's reaching out to the emerging business classes and co-opting them that allowed the Chinese system to survive the collapse of communism as an ideological system. However, it must be acknowledged that this has occurred at a great cost as one of the consequences of the development of this new elite has been a marked increase in corruption that parallels economic dislocation for much of the population (Fuller 152)."
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The Development of Liberalism, 2008.
This paper discusses the development of liberalism as a political philosophy.
1,425 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
The paper relates that liberalism emerged as a political philosophy during the Enlightenment era in Europe and was espoused by political philosophers such as John Locke. The paper defines liberalism as a political ideology based upon representative government and individual rights. The paper explains that it emphasizes strong support for a broad interpretation of civil liberties, for freedom of expression, religious toleration, the separation of church and state and for widespread popular participation in the political process. The paper reveals that for three hundred years liberalism has attempted to establish itself as a transcendent political philosophy in opposition to autocratic and totalitarian political ideologies. The paper concludes that it may ultimately fall to the very ideology it replaced; autocratic theocracy.
From the Paper
"Understanding liberalism is important because it has been a prevailing political philosophy in the Western world for more than two centuries. It is also important to emphasize that, "liberalism is not one simple, undifferentiated doctrine. As with other doctrines or ideologies, there are varieties of liberalism." (Sally) For example, "all liberals agree on the primacy of individual freedom and individual choice, which distinguishes liberalism from socialism and nationalism. But some liberals argue in favor of these core values by means of highly abstract reasoning." (Sally)"
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Immigration Policy and Canadian Nation-Building, 2008.
This paper discusses the immigration policy in Canada as it relates to Canadian nation-building.
1,420 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This essay critically examines the issue of immigration and Canadian nation-building within a sociological perspective. A particular focus of the paper is on the contradiction between the ideal of immigration, as reflected in the changes to immigration policy in the 1960s and the introduction of official multiculturalism in the 1970s, and the realities of immigration in regard to its being embedded in the social class and power distribution structures of Canada. In this context, the paper argues that in our capitalist society immigration policy has primarily served the interests of capital in the form of labor force reproduction. This being said, it is then argued that the existence of a multicultural and multiracial society represents a clear challenge to the existing power distribution in Canadian society; a challenge that has been met by policies such as official multiculturalism which are instruments by which the capitalist state seeks to control and channel dissent and thereby ensure the perpetuation of the Canadian status quo.
From the Paper
"Thus, the labour force of Canada was not biologically reproducing itself on a generational basis by the later decades of the twentieth century. In order to meet this shortfall, the Government of Canada resorted to immigration to supply a labour force to meet the demands of the Canadian economy. These demands are complex, for the Labour Force Reproduction model indicates that the economy needs a labour supply not only in terms of production but also to consume the goods produced. As a result, in the years in which the Canadian fertility rates were declining (after 1956) the Canadian immigration levels were increasing. From 1954 to 1992 Canada accepted 5.7 million immigrants. These immigrants fulfilled a wide number of economic roles in Canadian society, from contributing as business class immigrants and supplying entrepreneurial investment funds, to those who work in the commercial and corporate sectors. In addition, we must not forget the significant numbers of immigrants who worked as unpaid labour - often women - and so subsidized the paid labour force in Canada."
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Canadian Business and Labor History, 2008.
This paper analyzes the book "Auto Pact: Creating a Borderless North American Auto Industry" by Anastakis, Dimitry and looks at the history of Canadian business and labor.
2,300 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
The writer of this article discusses that in the book "Auto Pact: Creating a Borderless North American Auto Industry" the author argues that the Automotive Products Trade Agreement (APTA, the "auto pact") signed between Canada and the United States in January, 1965 was really made possible not only by negotiations between the governments but, more importantly, by the intervention of the big three automotive companies, GM, Chrysler, and Ford. The writer maintains that what makes his main argument convincing is that he situates the context of the idea of APTA within the polar opposites that characterized that era in both countries: protectionism versus free trade, nationalism versus continentalism. The writer points out that Anastakis also cites the significant differences in the role of the State in industry between the United States and Canada.
From the Paper
"This is a good example where the author doesn't shy away from citing facts or events that are contrary to his thesis; in fact, this instance supports it because it reveals the lack of perception on the part of the Canadian government (at least) to consider the problem in a larger context with perhaps a different solution. Although government interference is countenanced in Canada (and currently welcomed by the resurgent auto industry), it is anathema in the United States. This was precisely the area in which the confrontation between the two nations would come, and it would be out of this impasse that the idea of APTA was born by a chance suggestion between adversaries."
"Another excellent feature of the author's argument is his ability to highlight the main issues within the details of chronicling the political and economic events."
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