Abstract What were American policies toward Lebanon between 1945 and Desert Storm, and what were their bases and justifications? Were selfish national interests the main factor or were more egalitarian and humanitarian concerns the basis of US policy? This essay addresses those questions by assessing American policy in Lebanon as well as the common view of this small but strategic country in American eyes.
From the Paper "The "State of Greater Lebanon" was proclaimed by France in 1920 and then significantly enlarged as part of its post-World War I mandate. A new nation based on expansion of the Christian enclave of Mount Lebanon in the Ottoman Empire, Lebanon peacefully achieved its full independence from the French mandate in 1943. The country was destined to travel a strange and unpredicatble path in the ensuing fifty years: a model of stability and Westernism and a center of terror and civil war. In the American mind and heart during the latter part of the 20th century it became difficult to decide if the Lebanese were cultured polyglots or hooded terrorists. The powerful influence of the US in the Arab world after World War II created the need for sound policy based on clear objectives for Lebanon, but for several reasons both pragmatic and emotional decisions resulted. What were American policies toward Lebanon between 1945 and Desert Storm, and what were their bases and justifications? Were selfish national interests the main factor or were more egalitarian and humanitarian concerns the basis of US policy? This essay will address those questions by assessing American policy in Lebanon as well as the view of this small country in American eyes. It argues that the majority of decisions were the result of regional concerns involving the Arabs and Israelis or related to American self-interest and not based on the interests of the Lebanese people."
Abstract This paper explains that Lebanon's massive debt, which exceeds $35 billion and which is attributed to the substantial expenditure to rectify the damages to the infrastructure caused by the civil war and continued borrowing and spending, is taking away most of the government's revenues in terms of debt servicing; however, Lebanon has registered a marked improvement in economic performance. The author points out that the Paris II conference in 2002 committed over $4 billion to Lebanon in the form of soft loans, subject to the condition that Lebanon would implement specific reforms, including privatization. The paper relates that the International Monetary Fund, while commending the improvement of macroeconomic parameters, has expressed deep concern at the rising debt levels and lack of progress in privatization.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Lebanese Economy and Economic Trends
Agreements with IMF
Lebanon's Debt Position
National Income
Treasury performance
Privatization
Recommendations for Improving the Debt Position of Lebanon Rationalization of National Expenditures
Improve Macroeconomic Stabilization
Free Trade
Proceed with Structural Reforms
Better Debt Management
Improving the Functioning of Finance Sector and Banking Sector
Focus on Infrastructure
Flexible Exchange Rates
Other Recommendations
From the Paper "The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has projected that the growth in GDP growth of 5 percent in 2004. Although the Iraq war did affect trade, Lebanon managed to achieve a real GDP growth of about three percent in 2003, even while keeping inflation under tight control. Added to this is the depreciation of the US dollar, which has resulted in greater price competitiveness for Lebanese goods and services, since the Lebanese pound is pegged to the dollar. Another reason is the substantial increase in the capital inflows in 2003, due to increase in Arab savings and good returns on deposits. For instance, yields on two year deposits and treasury bills have settled around 8 percent. Consequently, the liquidity showed a growth of 15 percent in 2003. Gross reserves were around USD 10 billion, However, the current account deficit declined only marginally to about 13 percent of the GDP."
Tags: privatization, structure, loans, recommendations, imf
Abstract In this paper the author examines the industry and infrastructure of Lebanon. He looks at the changes the country has undergone over the past few decades. The author highlights how Lebanon is both oil rich, and high in demand because of its strategic geographical location within the Middle East. The author tells us that in order to fully take advantage of this country's vast resources, an understanding of its people, its economy, as well as the politics behinds its complex government system must be achieved. The paper proceeds to discuss all of these aspects of Lebanon, in the hope that the reader will have a better understanding of the country. He concludes that there is great business potential in Lebanon which has not yet been tapped. With businesses to buffer its infrastructure, Lebanon will once again emerge as a power within the Middle Eastern area, which is why this country is ideal for foreign investments.
From the Paper "The actual figures for the growth of this country are significant. The annual GDP currently stands at 18.8 billion dollars. Although this is not large in relation to other countries in the region, proportionally it is much better than the state of financial affairs a decade before. The real growth rate is around 4% and increasing every year as the infrastructure of Lebanon improves. As of the 2000 census, most of the nation's GDP comes from the services sector of the economy which makes up 67% of the total GDP. The rest is split between agriculture which controls 12%, and industry, which takes the rest of the 21%. The labor force which consists of 2.6 million has within its population almost a million people that are foreign workers. These workers are split between the industrial and agricultural employment within Lebanon. The unemployment rate is still abnormally high at 18%, but with the recent privatization of many industries this figure is forecasted to drop. The real danger is that the current poverty rate within Lebanon is an astounding 28%. Which means that 28% of the population is below the poverty line in the country. Without a tangible welfare system to aid the poor, a full quarter of the country is in a state of starvation and extreme poverty."
Abstract This paper explains that Lebanon was an important international financial center through 1975; but, since 1975 the Lebanese economy has seldom had a chance to function efficiently and monetary stability frequently has proven to be elusive. This paper points out that the current exchange rate policy followed by Lebanon is a managed float targeted to the United States dollar. The author reports that Egypt's current exchange rate policy is the same as Lebanon's managed float; but Israel follows a composite currency peg policy, which assigns proportional weights to a basket of currencies to establish the exchange value for their currency and reflects that country's international trade, capital flows and other relevant economic aggregates. Annotated Bibliography.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Historical Overview
Current Exchange Rate Policy
Comparing Lebanon's Exchange Rate Policy with Those of Egypt and Israel
Conclusion
From the Paper "Since 1992, the government of Lebanon has faced-up to the job of restoring economic stability and confidence in the country. The government and the Central Bank of Lebanon also have broken the hold on the country's the economy of the vicious circle of inflationary financing and instability of the rate of exchange of the Lebanese pound. These actions primarily were manifestations of the dire political status in which Lebanon found itself as both a pawn and a battleground for Israelis, Syrians and Arab militant organizations."
Abstract This paper discusses the political strife, civil wars and social and economic chaos that have been a part of Lebanon's history almost since the country achieved its independence in 1941. The paper also looks at past leaders of Lebanon who were assassinated, tensions between Lebanon and its neighbors, Syria and Israel, and the persistent problem created by radical Palestinians and Hezbollah members who reside with Lebanon.
From the Paper "In 1975, an even worse civil war broke out, and it is estimated (Brunner 808) that some 40,000 Lebanese of all religious persuasions, were killed. Again, there was an uneasy truce, with a lot of political shuffling among the politicians who wanted to, or claimed, they had the power to rule. "Civil war erupted again in 1983. From 1987 to 1990, fighting was heavy and thousands died. The government could not operate normally or sponsor elections for parliament, which was last elected in 1972. Amin Gamayel became president after Bashir Gamayel was assassinated in 1982. He served until 1988, when General Michel Aoun took control of the government. Aoun, a Maronite, ordered parliament dissolved in 1989. However, parliament did not recognize his authority and elected Rene Moawad president. He was assassinated a few days later by Aoun loyalists. Elias Hrawi was then elected president of Lebanon. Aoun was dismissed, but he continued to battle rival Christian forces" (CultureGram 2006 2). Worse yet, Beirut, the capital was bitterly dfivided, and a "Green Line"was drawn up separating the city into East and West sides, who did not want to interact with one another."
An assessment of the idea that partitioning Lebanon according to religious denominations might settle the centuries old conflict between Moslems and Christians.
Abstract The paper studies the 1000 year old battle for cultural, religious and political supremacy between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon. It shows the demographic make-up of present day Lebanon and investigates the possibility of dividing the country according to the dominant religious group in the area. It brings examples of other countries in the world where this method of partition was implemented.
From the Paper "In this framework, it was inevitable that the creation of Israel would be seen not as returning residents to their old land, but of Europe using the Middle East for expansion of power, influence and control. Israel was viewed as the puppet of European interests, and they saw themselves as pawns being played by outside forces in the Cold War between the U.S.S.R. and Western interests, and Israel as an example of Western colonialism in the middle of the Arab world. (Esposito, 1997) This view would be strengthened when the U.S.S.R. attempted to defeat the Moslem country of Afghanistan, followed after a relatively brief period by United States military action there."
Abstract This paper discusses the reasons behind Syria's interventions in Lebanon since 1976, its justifications therefore and the consequences of the Syrian presence there. It expands on Syria's interventions in Lebanon's civil wars and the subsequent role played by Syria. The paper offers background of the intervention.
Abstract This paper argues that the Syrian influence on Lebanon after occupation was positive in nature because it involved two countries that had been bonded throughout history. It also looks at how it was further positive because of the national sacrifices that Syria made for Lebanon throughout the period of war.
From the Paper "The Syrian influence in Lebanon spanned throughout history, with both countries sharing borders in the Arab world. The ties between the two countries are well documented by researchers, and demonstrate that Syria and Lebanon will always be connected through their past, the Arab nations, and through the people who risked their lives to defend Lebanon. In the past thirty years there has been much suggested regarding Syria's influence in Lebanon. There are those that contend that Syria may well have been the cause of civil wars that lasted as long as they did. Yet, there are also those who believe that Syria had such a profound, positive affect on the lives of Syrians that all of the battles undertaken were waged with a sense of protecting Lebanon, and in ensuring that the Arab nation was free from forced change. "
Abstract This paper discusses public administration in the Republic of Lebanon,
noting that the system is widely known for its corruption scandals, its high level of inefficiency, as well as its weak ties with the people it serves. The paper then provides a description of the current situation of public administration there and discusses the issue in the framework of the "ethical problem-solving model".
Description of the Public Administration in Lebanon Analysis
Decision
From the Paper "According to a 2003 Report of Transparency International, the most important nongovernmental organization following up on the corruption related issues concerning the countries of the world, Lebanon was place on the 78th position out of 133 countries surveyed in relation to the corruption index (United Nations, 2004). The same source indicates that the "numerous corruption cases on the Lebanese and international public opinion, (...) red tape in the administration and the frequency of bribery, not resolving corruption cases, such as that in the ministry of agriculture, embezzlement in Al-Madina Bank, and accusations of mismanagement in the Electricite du Liban would negatively impact respondents perceptions of corruption in Lebanon" contending that the most important element affecting the perception of the individual, as well as the general perception of the international forces accessing the country is the corruption and the lack of efficiency of the Lebanese administration (2004)."
Abstract This paper compares and contrasts the two events in light of the political climate and psychological obstacles affecting the negotiations. Influential factors discussed include Arab League talks, economic boycott of Israel, attacks on Northern Israel from Lebanon, and attitudes and expectations on both sides.
From the Paper "The 1950 United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine conference in Geneva attempted to create an agreement between Israel and the Arab States through indirect negotiations with a UN mediator. This conference failed because neither side was willing to compromise their plans. The Israelis refused to negotiate unless they had proof of the Arabs commitment to peace, and the Arabs refused to negotiate unless the Israelis first implemented paragraph 11 of the UN resolution 194 from December 11, 1948. The Arab States attended the conference as one unit, where as the Israelis wished to deal with each state individually. Israel got a chance at a negotiation more to its liking, or so it thought, individually with Lebanon in 1983 with the Israel-Lebanon Agreement. Just 4 years after the Camp David Peace Accords with Egypt, the Israel-Lebanon Agreement was Israel's second attempt at individual negotiation with an Arab state. It failed because Israel approached the agreement thinking that it could easily manipulate Lebanon, and both Israel and Lebanon seriously underestimated Syria and the Arab agenda. For similar reasons that the Geneva conference failed; neither side was after a true peace, they just wanted to further their own goals."
Tags: mideast, Lebanon, palestine, Syria, Jordan, Begin
An analysis of the correlation between the principles of liberalism, realism and international society theory and the American decision to intervene in Lebanon in 1958.
Abstract This paper looks for the best explanation for the American decision to intervene in Lebanon in 1958 by analyzing three theoretical schools - realism, liberalism and the international society theory. It examines the decision-makers involved, identifies their motivations and analyzes the justifications they offered for deploying American troops. The paper then compares these factors to the principles of liberalism, realism and international society theory in order to determine whether there is a correlation.
From the Paper "In this bipolar world, instability in a particular region or country was often seized upon as a pretext for power projection by Moscow or Washington, and Lebanon provided Washington in 1958 with a justification to demonstrate American power and resolve in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956, which produced perceptions of Western weakness. (Korbani 21-52) In addition, it has been suggested that the intervention was also an attempt by Eisenhower to assuage French bitterness over his harsh criticism of French actions during the Suez Crisis in 1956, and was a conciliatory gesture in the form of intervening in France's former colony of Lebanon in order to protect French economic and political interests."
Abstract This paper examines the issue of identity among the Maronite Christians in Lebanon, providing first a brief historical background and then discussing how they have pursued various strategies for determining for themselves who it is that they are. The primary Maronite group is a Christian community of Arabs centered in Lebanon and in communion with the Pope. Smaller Maronite groups also exist in Cyprus, Palestine, Syria, and the United States, with a total number throughout the world of about 1.3 million. It examines how the self discovery process is especially difficult since they are the minority in their own culture surrounded by majority groups who are overtly hostile towards them.
From the Paper "The group's roots lie in the seventh century when members adhered to the (then) heresy of Monothelitism. Monothelitism was the belief--which was held in conformity to traditional Christian doctrine--that Christ had two distinct natures, divine and human, but also held that the two natures are manifested in a single will and activity. The doctrine of Monothelitism was first promulgated about 624 by Byzantine emperor Heraclius, in an attempt to reconcile the orthodox point of view that Christ has two natures, with the heretical belief of the Monophysites that he has but one. By this reconciliation Heraclius hoped to bring back into the church the thousands of Monophysites who had been excommunicated for heresy. The result of the promulgation of Monothelitism, however, was not greater unity in the church and empire, but further division, as is so often the case with such well-meaning compromises."
Abstract This paper takes a look at the history and continuous tension and conflict between Israel and Hezbollah. The paper reports that both sides dislike each other vehemently and the borders between Israel and Lebanon have seen near-constant incidents of violence over the years.
Outline:
Introduction: Key historical issues between Israel and their Arab Neighbors Living in Palestine and Lebanon Key Issues: Identification of key issues or disputes
Recent and Current Policy
National Interests and Goals
Conclusion
From the Paper "The bitterness between the two sides notwithstanding, Pascual writes that Lebanon must address three "enormous challenges." Those three are, to first "mitigate the immediate impacts of war so those returning to destroyed homes and livelihoods can begin to rebuild their lives." That is going to be an unbelievable task, since the Brookings Institute (a nonprofit organization that has international influence on policy decisions) reports that the recent war "displaced 1 million people, a quarter of Lebanon's population," and it destroyed 30,000 housing units. It also destroyed "crops and tourism" in the southern part of Lebanon, taking away two "main sources of income" for Lebanese citizens. The second major challenge is to build "critical social, economic and physical infrastructure," Pascual asserted. To do this, around $3.5 billion will be needed, and the focus should be on "putting to work Lebanon's strongest asset: the private sector. "
Abstract The paper relates that in the mid 1800s, reformist sultans in the Ottoman Empire developed and issued the Tanzimat, a set of policy reforms. The paper discusses the political environment and policy system that the Tanzimat was designed to address. The paper discusses the general direction of the reformist agenda and highlights the application of that agenda in the Mount Lebanon province in order to assess the success of the Ottoman reforms and their subsequent impact on policy administration in the modern Middle East.
Outline:
Local Administration in the Ottoman Empire
Implementation of the Tanzimat in Mount Lebanon
From the Paper "In the mid 1800's, reformist sultans in the Ottoman Empire developed and issued the Tanzimat, a set of policy reforms that were designed to alter the established governing institutions of the empire and halt the empire's slow decline in relation to emerging border nations across Europe. The essential direction of the reforms was to centralize and secularize policy administration throughout the empire in order to ensure that individual citizens were treated fairly and equally, and that the empire remained united and strengthened. In order to achieve this, reformist sultans realized that local institutions had to be controlled so that they were not taking advantage of their distance from the capital to manipulate subjects and policy in order enrich a few local citizens. Their attempt at reform was, at its foundation, the same movement toward rationalizing and realigning policy administration that occurred in the nations of Europe in and around the 18th Century, so that the elements of the modern state could emerge throughout the scattered empire."
An examination of the events leading up to the assassination of former prime minister of Lebanon, Rafik Hariri, and the U.N. investigation into the murder.
Abstract This paper discusses the assassination of the former prime minister of Lebanon, Rafik Hariri who was assassinated in February 2005. It first discusses Hariri's political views and his plans for the future of Lebanon. The paper then lists and discusses the U.N. investigation of the events surrounding the murder of Hariri and reviews the highlights of the resulting report.
From the Paper "The report cited obstruction by the occupying Syrian forces and by the Syrian Government (2005, p. A14). However, all information in the report was pointing to Syria as being complicit in the murder of the former prime minister (2005, p. A14). By the time the report was issued, UN officials were unsure as to what penalty to impose against or on Syria for its blatant disregard for the UN effort to investigate the murder (2005, p. A14). Mehlis was stepping down in order to return to his professional responsibilities and work in Germany (2005, p. A14). This, at what was deemed a crucial moment in the investigation since one of Mehlis' key witnesses had recanted his testimony given to Mehlis and the Mehlis team (2005, p. A14). Whether or not the witness was recanting under pressure from the Syrian government was not readily known. The Lebanese Government requested at that time an extension of the UN investigation (2005, p. A14)."
Tags: Syria fundamentalists diplomacy, Middle East
