Abstract This paper analyzes and examines sweatshop laborpolicies. Part II describes the nature of the problem involving sweatshops. In Part III, various options for solving the problem involving sweatshops are examined. Lastly, this paper concludes by outlining which solution is best and why.
From the Paper "Sweatshops are factories where large corporations pay individuals obscenely low wages (i.e., sometimes as low as pennies per hour) for performing menial labor such as sewing clothing. Although sweatshops are generally located in third world countries, there have been numerous high-profile cases in recent years that have exposed sweatshops in the United States. The main problem with sweatshops is that they are more that just labor abuse; when you find a sweatshop you?ll also find social injustice, poverty, discrimination, abuse of women, and environmental damage. In other words, sweatshops are a well-connected problem, with roots deeply ingrained in our cultural, economic, political, and social systems. "
Abstract This paper explains that the downfall of the Soviet Union was, in part, due to the laborpolicies such as the promise of work, the compulsory laborpolicies and the promise of equal pay to many people regardless of their work. The author points out these laborpolicies created an apathetic attitude about productivity and success that led to an inability to stir the nation into growth, which was the cause of the ultimate downfall of the Soviet Union. The paper contends that, as the nation rebuilds, it is important that it allows a policy of free market competitiveness.
From the Paper "The Red Army of Workers simulated what Americans know as "Unions". The difference was that the Red Army of Workers was actually controlled by the government and given freedoms that the government felt were allowable. This again wiped out any hope for motivation or drive and those who belonged simply went through the paces. The government allowed the workers to be given the right to participate in the government structure and to practice religion but later years removed such rights. The laboring masses were then nothing but workhorses who went each day, performed their duties, and did not have anything to wish for or hope for."
Abstract This paper examines how, for over 20 years, workers have been faced with the dilemma of lack of job security, which has led to decreased productivity. Another major change that has affected productivity is American corporations' shift of focus away from making employees feel secure and appreciated, or providing them with ample pension and health care benefits plus wage increases to outpace inflation. The paper points out that, instead, the new focus of American corporations emphasizes the fiduciary responsibility to the stockholder and maximizing profits. The paper also adds that advanced technology, requiring less people but more skilled workers, and government laborpolicies, which removed trade barriers making it easier for American companies to outsource labor and relocate to countries with low labor costs, have had an adverse effect on American worker productivity and the American middle class. The paper concludes that the corporate/business paradigm shift from employee to stockholder is the most significant factor leading to reduced employee productivity and the erosion of the American middle class.
Outline:
Introduction
Hypothesis
Background Research
Conclusion
From the Paper "Lack of job security is not a problem new to 2007, or even 2000, but one that has been on the rise since 1972. American companies have downsized dramatically since the late 1970s.
"In the first downsizing wave, 12% of the out placed workers left the workforce completely, 17% remained unemployed after two years. Of those finding new employment, 31% took a wage reduction of 25% or more and 32% of worker's wages were reduced by one to twenty-five percent while only 37% found no wage loss. These figures translate to 63% of people finding replacement jobs that are inferior to what they held prior to being downsized."
Abstract This paper introduces, discusses and analyzes Melvyn Dubofsky's book, "The State and Labor in Modern America". The paper relates that, in the book, Dubofsky details the history of how the state in America has addressed issues involving employers and employees and how the state has shaped laborpolicy. The paper reviews the validity of Dubofsky's analyses and draws conclusions about the book's worth as a historical book.
From the Paper "In the next few years, membership in the AFL declined. The steel strike of 1919 ended in failure, and business showed increasing hostility to labor through the "American Plan," essentially an antiunion, open-shop program that dominated the 1920s. The only substantial victory for labor during this period was the Railway Labor Act of 1926, but even this was only a qualified victory because it was a weak compromise of provisions that had been agreed to by rail labor and management."
"The role of labor would come to the fore once more with the New Deal, a series of regulations passed and agencies created to overcome the problems of the Great Depression. These acts brought the federal government more directly into many areas of American life, and especially into economic relations in an effort to restore confidence and solve some of the problems brought about by widespread unemployment, bank failures, and the like."
Abstract This paper discusses the economic policies of Great Britain from 1945 up until the present day. It discusses both conservative and laborpolicies and shows how they differed. The paper ends by discussing the rise and implementation of the "new labor" policies. It particularly focuses on Tony Blair's vision of government and politics, including his concept of the "third way."
Table of Contents:
1945-1979
The Thatcher-Major Years
A New Context
The Recent Economic and Social History of the United Kingdom
The Political Situation in Britain
The Left/Right Division
Globalization
The Rise of "New Labour"
How New Is New Labour?
The Characteristics Blair's Policies The Limits of Blairism
From the Paper "After World War II, a new economic philosophy called "Keynesianism" - different from the "laissez-faire" of old - became prevalent; to his main proponent, John Maynard Keynes (1883-1945), free operation of the market was a good thing but it might prove insufficient to ensure full employment in the long term. The State itself should therefore see to it that effective demand (Keynes attached primary importance to it rather than supply) was always renewed by spending money (expanding the money supply, a policy known as reflation) in order to increase purchasing power and encourage private investment, i.e. rejuvenate economic activity. The government had therefore to be much more interventionist and to operate demand management (which meant economic planning). This is what the Labour government did when the core of the economy (steel, coal, airlines, railways, banks, petroleum, telephone logic), seen as too important to be left to the marketplace, was nationalized."
Abstract This paper discusses how the state of California has given rise to some of the most significant changes in American labor relations. It analyzes how throughout its history, the state has been able to provide jobs in various sectors of the economy, from agriculture to aerospace and how currently, California unions represent workers in every industry, including education, entertainment, construction, health care, petroleum refinery, clothing and transportation. It provides a few examples from California's recent history that bear witness to the power and significance of labor unions in the state. It shows how California unions help workers achieve basic human needs such as reasonable wages in tune with the national economy, healthy workplace environments and a balance of power between management and employees. Without labor unions, skilled and unskilled workers in California would be grossly underrepresented in government and politics, as unions exert powerful influence on state and local public policy.
From the Paper "California labor unions benefited immensely from the Franklin Delano Roosevelt presidential administration. In part because of an influx of farm workers into the state from the "dust bowl" of the Great Plains, organized labor in California became increasingly important to secure rights. The National Recovery Act (NRA), and the Wagner Act, passed following the Great Depression, helped correct the injustices of California-based businesses. These new laws affected the booming oil industry in southern California, as well as the farming industry. The formation of both the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) affected California laborers because of the amount of skilled and unskilled workers in the state and due to the state's plethora of industries."
A look at China's policy on population control and various other Chinese government policies that impinge on human rights and therefore impede greater economic ties between China and the West.
2,250 words (approx. 9 pages), 4 sources, 2006, $ 89.95
Abstract This paper discusses population policy in China over the last fifty years with an emphasis on the one child policy instituted in the 1970s that has greatly reduced the growth rate in the population. As China seeks more and more economic ties to the West the policy of reduced family size and at times forced abortions is a public relations problem, much like child labor, prison labor and similar centrally controlled policies that run afoul of human rights.
From the Paper "Population policies in the People's Republic of China reflect a real concern about population growth and the huge size of the population but are, at the same time, bound with issues of ideology and social control. Certain highly restrictive policies began in the 1970s and were deemed successful at reducing the size of the population, and especially the rural population. As China seeks more and more economic ties to the West, the policy of reduced family size and at times forced abortions is a public relations problem, much like child labor, prison labor, and similar centrally-controlled policies that run afoul of human rights."
Abstract This essay critically examines the issue of immigration and Canadian nation-building within a sociological perspective. A particular focus of the paper is on the contradiction between the ideal of immigration, as reflected in the changes to immigration policy in the 1960s and the introduction of official multiculturalism in the 1970s, and the realities of immigration in regard to its being embedded in the social class and power distribution structures of Canada. In this context, the paper argues that in our capitalist society immigration policy has primarily served the interests of capital in the form of labor force reproduction. This being said, it is then argued that the existence of a multicultural and multiracial society represents a clear challenge to the existing power distribution in Canadian society; a challenge that has been met by policies such as official multiculturalism which are instruments by which the capitalist state seeks to control and channel dissent and thereby ensure the perpetuation of the Canadian status quo.
From the Paper "Thus, the labour force of Canada was not biologically reproducing itself on a generational basis by the later decades of the twentieth century. In order to meet this shortfall, the Government of Canada resorted to immigration to supply a labour force to meet the demands of the Canadian economy. These demands are complex, for the Labour Force Reproduction model indicates that the economy needs a labour supply not only in terms of production but also to consume the goods produced. As a result, in the years in which the Canadian fertility rates were declining (after 1956) the Canadian immigration levels were increasing. From 1954 to 1992 Canada accepted 5.7 million immigrants. These immigrants fulfilled a wide number of economic roles in Canadian society, from contributing as business class immigrants and supplying entrepreneurial investment funds, to those who work in the commercial and corporate sectors. In addition, we must not forget the significant numbers of immigrants who worked as unpaid labour - often women - and so subsidized the paid labour force in Canada."
Abstract This paper discusses how the national labor movement of Japan has traditionally been controlled by the nation's political factions. The writer describes the plight of Japanese workers in modern times, as labor unions that served the needs of management rather than the workers were created. The writer also discusses the rise of a national labor organization called Rengo in the 1990s in response to the control of the employee unions by political factions. However, the political entities within the nation reacted by creating a "union" that sought to end the efforts of the national labor movement and force the maintenance of policies that were intended to continue to oppress the workers of Japan.
From the Paper "According to Oaks "Japanese workers have failed to achieve labor rights that are standard fare throughout the developed world" (para. 4). In the 1980s it was evident that workers in Japan were faced with 46-48 hour days with no benefits, such as sick leave and a social security system for their retirement (Oaks para. 5). Oaks reported that regardless of the fact that the salaries that Japanese workers earned were comparable to workers in the United States, the ability of the Japanese worker to provide for his family was more difficult because of the increased cost of living (para. 6). The labor movement in Japan has continuously fought for worker rights that would address these problems. However, even when the government or political realm agrees to make changes to policy, those changes are generally masked by conditions of change that alleviate the actual policy from making a difference."
Tags: unrest productivity profit, International Labor Organization, law industry
Abstract A nation's labor laws, stipulating work hours, job security, vacations, retirement age, compensations, employment opportunities, and chances for advancement for protected groups are intrinsically connected to that country's espoused politico-economic ideology. The paper shows that the United States, in which the capitalist market ideology prevails, has a set of labor laws, which differ in several significant areas from those that operate in many Northern European countries, such as Germany, where democratic socialism shapes national politico-economic ideologies. In comparing between several key aspects of German and American laborpolicies and laws, the paper concludes that, while Germany furnishes its population with a more positive work atmosphere, empowering it vis-a-vis corporate owners and establishing a legal framework that would guarantee job security, the fact remains that some perceive this as having curtailed the growth and the more efficient/effective operation of native organizations/firms. In an overall analysis, this paper illustrates that it is better to be a worker in Germany than in the United States.
From the Paper "The point here is that, in comparison to the United States where the power of labour unions is steadily declining, German labour unions have remained consistently powerful and are in charge of negotiating practically all employment contracts, ensuring that equitable terms are offered to all workers, irrespective of gender, race, or age (Boldt, 2003). Thus, the power of the labour unions in Germany has negated the need for those laws which emphasize equitable employment terms, which are so prevalent in the United States."
Abstract This paper considers organizational management through the lens of corporate labor management in Canada and China. It is shown that culture matters when managing corporations, as the different approaches to labor in Canada and China are found to influence the ways business operates in those countries. Some suggestions are made for how labor management can be handled as globalization increases.
From the Paper "It has only been with the recent introduction of market-based initiatives, coupled with the incredible growth of the economy and the emergence of an industrial sector, that the possibility for organizing has arisen. So what are the relevant characteristics of corporate management of labor for our analysis here? Peter Chow argues that the incredible rise of the Chinese economy has been driven by two major factors: (1) effective transition of agricultural workers to industrial jobs, and (2) infusion of direct foreign investment. Both of these developments has been critical, he argues, but he suggests that for the global economy it is the foreign investment that holds most potential to impact labor's standing in China."
Abstract The labor party is traditionally the socialist party in the UK. The changes in the political environment have meant that there have been changes made in policies and presentation of the polices. Many commentators see this 'New Labour' as moving away for socialism. This paper considers if the commentators may be seen as correct, or if socialism has evolved into a new form.
Abstract This paper compares Sweden's and Canada's welfare policies and provides examples of differing welfare cultures that speak of each country's values. The author compares both countries' welfare policy in the areas of labor market, healthcare and family benefits and uses these comparisons to illustrate the differences in efficacy between the institutional and residual welfare models as used by Sweden and Canada respectively. Through these comparisons, the paper finds that, while Canada's welfare policy reflects the liberal value of minimal state interference, Sweden's universal programs benefit the entire nation, creating a strong sense of cohesion amongst its citizens.
From the Paper "In most developed countries, the notion of a welfare state is a common yet controversial one. Along the political spectrum ideas regarding acceptable levels of state provided welfare are varying. If you were of the belief that welfare is a public good, then you would subscribe to the notion of state funded welfare. Yet, if you believe welfare is a private good, the provision of welfare by the state would infringe on the freedom of the individual. These differences in ideologies can be examined through the welfare policy adopted by a country."
An investigation of the issue of implementing an AWS-based work arrangement policy for immigration inspectors assigned to international airports in the Washington, DC district of the United States.
Abstract This study focuses on the inconsistent work scheduling process adopted by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), United States Department of Justice, for immigration inspectors assigned to the Washington (DC) District. Immigration Inspectors assigned to international airport duties in this area are not allowed to use AWS, or flexible work schedules. An AWS may mean working a compressed work schedule (CWS) in which a standard 40-hour work week is completed in fewer than five days. Specifically, the author focuses on the feasibility and success of implementing AWS-based work to this group. The author draws conclusions and makes recommendations from the research and data collected on this study, providing charts and graphs to support his findings. The author ultimately recommends that AWS-based work arrangement policy be implemented immediately, and that a CWS work schedule is most compatible with the organization's operational needs.
From the Paper "A wide variety of problems are reported by workers engaged in shift work (Jamal, 1989). Some researchers argue that these problems are attributable to the fact that shift workers find themselves out of line with established physiological and social rhythms. Nurses engaged in rotating shift work have been found to exhibit less favorable work behavior when compared to nurses on fixed-shifts. Rotating shift nurses also report lower levels of job satisfaction and organizational commitment, and higher frequencies of job absence (Jamal, 1989)."
Abstract In this paper the author examines some of the works of Karl Marx, focussing on the theme of value of labor-power, which is a key point in Marx's socio-economic theory, and determines the value of commodities. The paper looks at the importance of the wage system and discusses Marx's point that value comes from social labor and profit comes from extracting unpaid labor from the laborer. The author continues to discuss the works of Karl Marx and some of the statements he has made in reference to labor-power. He also tries to put across the capitalist point of view, by giving a counter argument for each of Marx's points. In conclusion the author states that we must either accept that Marx failed in his attempt at a truly materialist explanation of history and society, or admit that machines and animals exist as social laborers, the same as humans.
From the Paper "Marx's argument is persuasive, and the syllogism is formally valid when we include the suppressed premise: each premise makes a clean step to the next. However, premise two lacks much-needed justification for the syllogism to be true within Marx's system of dialectical materialism. Premise 2 is a metaphysical proposition, not a physical-historical proposition. Nowhere does Marx explain why labor-power is only a capacity of a living worker. More specifically, Marx does not explain the difference between a power-loom and a human weaver. From the capitalist's view, both require upkeep (or some of the means of subsistence), both perform social labor, and both must be replaced when they wear out, or die. A possible reply Marx could give is that people are the root of the power-loom's productive force: that is, people produce the power-loom and maintain the power-loom. However, capitalists also maintain the laborer, by paying his wages. Within the system, the capitalist must care for the worker and power-loom in the same manner."
Tags: materialsim, unpaid, laborer, society, worker, productive, individual, force
