Abstract This paper explains that, in examining the issue of sovereignty in the MiddleEast, it is evident that many Muslim nations have struggled and continue to struggle to overcome local challenges to the authority of the state. The author points out that the insurgency against the Iraqi interim government and its American ally is only one of many examples, which can be cited of internal local challenges in the Muslim world to state sovereignty for in recent years. The paper relates that Lebanon, Afghanistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have suffered from internal instability.
From the Paper "In examining the issue of sovereignty in the Middle East, it is evident that many Muslim nations have struggled and continue to struggle to overcome local challenges to the authority of the state. The insurgency against the Iraqi interim government and its American ally is only one of many examples which can be cited of internal local challenges in the Muslim world to state sovereignty, for in recent years, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan have also suffered from internal instability because of local challenges to state sovereignty. One of the primary recurring reasons why there have been local challenges to state sovereignty in the Middle East is the questionable legitimacy of many of the national governments in the region."
Abstract This paper examines MiddleEast terrorism. It looks at how ever since the emergence of MiddleEast terrorism in the nineteen-seventies, it has become increasingly evident that terrorism thrives on media coverage, and tends to fade in influence and significance when media attention is diverted elsewhere. It discusses how subsequently, radical Islamic terrorist tactics and strategy are very media-oriented, for the mass media is seen by terrorists as a long-range weapon that can strike fear into their enemies, regardless of where they live.
Abstract This paper, written from a religious Islamic perspective, explores how diversity represents a major roadblock to achieving peace and harmony in the MiddleEast. The writer first describes the Muslim outlook on cultural diversity, as opposed to Christianity. The paper then highlights the different religious outlooks and sects within Islam. Several obstacles to establishing democracy in the MiddleEast are illustrated, with an emphasis on the suppression of minorities in the region. The author concludes citing Islamic concerns about democratization in Israel.
From the Paper "The Sunni is the largest group of the Islamic faith, with nearly 90% of all Muslims subscribing to this practice (Ibrahim, p. 323-369). The Kharawaj is another major political force in the Islamic world. When the prophet Muhammad died he had no sons to inherit leadership. The primary point of contention between these two groups is how to decide the leadership succession. The Kharawaj reject the Sunni idea that bloodlines are the most important factor, but feel that the right to rule is divinely granted."
Abstract This paper explains that, in the MiddleEast, there is a societal belief in the superiority of men. The author explores the ways in which laws and customs based on religious beliefs and social and governmental policies violate women's human rights in Middle Eastern countries. The paper outlines the steps women have taken to attempt to protect these rights.
From the Paper "On December ..., the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration sets forth thirty Articles that listed certain inalienable rights of all human beings."
Abstract This paper discusses the water resources in the MiddleEast. The essay is based on two articles but will also discuss some of the main researches that have been conducted in this area. Finally it will compare the two articles and give a brief analysis.
Abstract A paper concerning the topic of the conflict in the MiddleEast and U.S. interests. The paper claims that the United States is interested because of national security, oil and Israel.
Abstract This paper explains that the Barcelona Declaration, and the Barcelona Process that came out of it, marks a new phase in Europe's foreign policy. It explores how this is a stage in which the European Union is announcing that it cannot afford the continuing conflict in the MiddleEast and that peace is the only option. This peace is an important factor in the EU's foreign and security policy. It concludes that, even though the EU is not challenging the role of the United States, it is working for peace, not just following in the U.S.'s footsteps.
From the Paper "The reason why the European Union is placing a high level of importance on the Middle East Peace process is that it is related to its own security. This is admitted in the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and explained in the EU's 1999 statement on peace in the Middle East. As the CFSP openly seems to declare, the security interests of the EU cannot be divorced from the Middle East situation, not just because of the close geographic relation between them but because this area provides the EU with the majority of its energy needs and counts as a major trade partner, not to mention a leading source of investment in Europe (16). Therefore, the close geographic and economic relations between the two regions have placed the EU in a position in which it needs to give a status of priority to the Middle East Peace process. It is as such that the EU's resolution on peace in the Middle East firmly calls for the establishment of a Palestinian state, the removal of illegal Israeli settlements and the return of all occupied Arab territories (""EU European Parliament: Resolution ..."). The fact that the EU stresses these points is because it understands that the realizing of these goals is the only way to stabilize the region, thereby creating a peaceful and stable neighborhood for the EU."
Abstract This paper explores US policy in the MiddleEast over the last half-century. Several factors that have influenced American diplomatic policy in the region are considered, including the threat of communism and the US reliance on oil. Special consideration is given to the end of the Cold War and its impact on US policy toward Israel and the Arab nations. The paper cites the delicate diplomacy the United States must employ in the region, between appeasing the oil-rich Saudi kingdom, rooting out international terrorism, and maintaining ties with Israel, a democratic ally.
From the Paper "The Soviet Union's dissolution caused a seismic change in the world geopolitical scene, as it spelled the decline of the bipolar balance of power in the world. However, although it called into question a number of the polices of the United States, it could be argued that the collapse of the Soviet Union, ideologically, had less of an impact upon the Middle East than the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. Communism had never been a formidable force in the Middle East, unlike Latin America. But it is true that in practical terms of foreign aid, the coming to prominence of fundamentalist regimes in the Middle East in Iran was partially enabled by the decline of Soviet influence, cash and power backing up some regimes, as in Afghanistan. Renegade groups and states in their wrangling for power in the region often used old Soviet weapons, now traded on the black market."
Abstract This paper critically assesses the impact of U.S. foreign policy on the MiddleEast since 1991. It explores how the post-Cold War global order affects MiddleEast politics and how the conflict in the MiddleEast affects the 'New World Order'.
Table of Contents:
Part I: Summary
Part II: Background to and Nature of American Policy in the MiddleEast since 1991
Part III: Impact of American Policy in the MiddleEast Part IV: Conclusion.
From the Paper "America's policy of coercive appropriation of the region's only major resource has had another parallel, though highly profound impact. In order to break free from what the countries of the region perceive as the American stranglehold over their resources, many countries have started cooperating with each other to exploit the oil-rich Caspian region. Based on the idea of excluding America from the pipeline grid, this brings several countries from even outside the periphery of the Middle East in close ties with each other. This could spell a total alteration of the geo-strategic dynamics of the region."
Abstract This paper reviews "Struggle and Survival in the Modern MiddleEast," a collection of biographies of twenty-four Middle Eastern men and women, edited by Edmund Burket. The author of this paper asserts that the sheer number and variety of these biographies undermines current stereotypes about the Arab mindset and challenges elite-centered accounts of how the MiddleEast has changed in modern times. The paper explains that the book is organized chronologically, tracing the history of the MiddleEast through the biographies. The paper provides a synopsis of several of these biographies and looks for commonalities, even among the diversity of stories.
From the Paper "Hibgo, an American truck driver, lived his life in Middle East and ended in United States. He started his challenging job of truck driving in iran by developing his own grop of drivers. The challenging nature of the truck driving profession in Iran during this formative period necessitated a truck driver's involvement in a guild. The guild served a variety of crucial needs through a network of shared information and credit based on mutual trust. In the 1930s Hagob became part of a guild consisting of Armenian and Assyrian members, who maintained their ties for decades. He and the others proudly wore their guild's insignia, a jeweler's handcrafted replica of the front portion of a transport vehicle."
Tags: Arab, Islam, anthology, essays, social, biography, Iran, muslim, christian
Abstract This paper describes the history of foreign policy in the MiddleEast. It goes into the vast differences between cultures of the Arab world and cultures of the rest of the world and compares them in a global environment. Terms, such as globalization, tribalism, and imperialism are discussed and used to compare relations between the MiddleEast and the Western world. The paper also goes into current trends in foreign policy toward the MiddleEast. It has become more manipulating than helpful. The people of the MiddleEast still suffer, despite the efforts of the United States. In fact, the United States government is more concerned with maintaining a balance of power between Middle Eastern nations than maintaining the integrity of human rights. This paper places all of this content into an organized display.
From the Paper "The events that are occurring at this very time in the Middle East are grim. Every place one looks, there is a violation of human rights, someone being killed, a war going on, or a level of poverty exists that an American could not even comprehend. Throughout the beautiful landscapes, warlords and military dictators have taken over countries and the populations live in fear. In the news, Americans see huge crowds cheering when the US flag is burnt, and the president being hung. After September 11, 2001, American children could see Arab children on television cheering at the disaster. The roots of this Arab rage lead right back to American foreign policy in the region."
Abstract The paper discusses that it is not easy to identify the important issues when countries are far away and located in areas with long histories of turbulence and conflicting needs such as the MiddleEast. The paper presents the history, treaties and international political pressures of the area. The author believes that foreign policy is not a matter of laws passed by Congress but is fluid and changes according to current needs.
From the Paper "All these conflicts and intertwining issues, impossible to completely separate after centuries of conflict going back to the Crusades, require a delicate hand. In addition, the Department of State and government leaders have to consider the effects of finances given to Israel, especially military support, given that the U.S.S.R. can no longer make significant contributions to Israel's potential enemies. Public sentiment in the United States must be considered also. Most Americans recognize Israel's right to exist, but many are often appalled when Israel responds to terrorist acts with what Americans tend to view as excessive force."
This paper explores in detail the behavior of the U.S. towards Iran regarding the issue of nuclear weapons while examining America's methods of sustaining its hegemonic presence in the world.
Abstract This paper examines both sides of the nuclear issue by stating Iran has concerns regarding the attainment of nuclear technology but wishes to appear to the world as an advanced and well-developed nation. With nuclear weapons, Iran's influence in the MiddleEast could be increased which could entail an alliance with Iraq that would promote anti-U.S. sentiment resulting in undermining U.S. efforts in the MiddleEast in general. The writer of this paper focuses on the behavior of the U.S. towards Iran on the matter of nuclear non-proliferation and explains in-depth how the U.S. is using a web of approaches to maintain its world wide hegemonic presence.
From the Paper "The behavior of the United States towards Iran regarding the issue of nuclear non-proliferation could be viewed through a number of theories, but the most proficient analysis of this situation is achieved through regime theory. Foremost, we must understand the issues surrounding why the U.S. wants to halt Iran's desire for nuclear technology. Since Iran does not currently have nuclear capabilities, it would be nearly impossible for them to launch a trans-Atlantic attack for a period of 5-10 years. Although that possibility seems unlikely, the U.S. is promoting the prevention of such a future assault. Another possibility is that if Iran was able to hone nuclear technology, other Arab states such as Egypt and Syria would feel threatened by this considering the negative relations of Iran and Israel, and would not want to be caught in the middle."
Tags: U.S., nuclear, weapons, politics, middle, east
Abstract This paper explains that Ali Ansari in "Confronting Iran: The Failure of American Foreign Policy and the Next Great Conflict in the MiddleEast" paints the current crisis with Iran as a lesson in mutually antagonistic behavior that is demonstrated by the inability of United States presidents, from Carter to Bush, to formulate an effective policy for dealing with this country. The author points out that Dennis Ross in "The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Peace in the MiddleEast" commends the U.S re-involvement in the Israel-Palestinian problem, introduced in President Bush's historic 2002 speech, which outlined a strategy for peace calling for a two state solution. The paper relates that both Ansari and Ross are strong believers in the power of communication because, as long as all sides to these political clashes are still talking, there is hope for peaceful solutions and cooperation rather than chaos.
From the Paper "Ansari does not take a particularly optimistic tone about the chances of these changes happening. He is very adamant that they must happen or the resulting conflict will "make Iraq look like the cakewalk it was prophesied to be." . Ansari presents his argument in a very matter-of-fact manner, taking the struggle between Iran and the United States step by step from their first official contact in 1856 all the way into the present day. A very realistic, pragmatic tone is taken that, while not entirely hopeful, does suggest that differences can be bridged."
This paper discuses Joel Beinin's "Workers and Peasants in the Modern MiddleEast", a modern history of the MiddleEast from the perspective of the changing peasant and urban artisan classes and the emerging modern working-classes.
1,880 words (approx. 7.5 pages), 0 sources, 2005, $ 60.95
Abstract This paper explains that Joel Beinin's "Workers and Peasants in the Modern MiddleEast" begins in 1750, which marks the start of modern history for the MiddleEast because of (1) the rise of autonomous provincial regimes, (2) the expansion of agricultural production and (3) the intensification of links between several parts of the Ottoman Empire and the world capitalist market. The author points out that Beinin argues that industrial manufacturing was introduced to the MiddleEast as part of a drive to establish modern armies and extend the power of the states. The paper relates that Beinin considers the period after the collapse of global oil prices in 1985-86, when states became unable to provide previously established levels of services, thus creating an economic and moral vacuum, as the beginning of the political Islamic movements of establishing a popular base by offering social services, including education, health care and child care.
From the Paper "During the era of Fordism-Keynesianism many Middle Eastern states pursued policies of populism, nationalist anti-imperialism, state-led economic development, and import-substitution industrialization. Some examples of this post-World War II trend he cites were Muhammad Mossadegh's nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951 and Egypt's nationalization of the Suez Canal Company in 1956. State-led development and import-substitution industrialization were key components of the social policies advanced by Gamal 'Abd al-Nasir in Egypt, the Ba'th in Syria and Iraq and the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) from the 1950s to the 1970s. The political and economic programs of these authoritarian-populist regimes were designated "Arab nationalism" and "Arab socialism" respectively."
