Abstract This paper looks at the debate swirling around whether or not the Canadian Senate should be reformed. In particular, the paper notes how the current arrangement appears to exacerbate regional tensions while simultaneously undermining the legitimacy of the democratic, representative process. After discussing the arguments opposing some kinds of Senatereform, the paper discusses the Harper government's proposals and their relative strengths and weaknesses. In the end, the paper argues that the current ideas for changing the Senate have some merits, but they are compromised by the fact that proposed elections to the Senate are non-binding upon the government - and by the fact that a reluctance to "go to the people" might be seen as arrogant and elitist.
From the Paper "The denunciations of the Canadian Senate do not end with the criticisms cited above. Particularly, opponents of the unelected Upper Chamber argue that the Senate really exacerbates the cleavages already tearing at the fabric of the Canadian union. For these scholars, western frustration and alienation is chiefly brought about by the collective sense that the territories west of Manitoba lack adequate representation in the decision-making processes of government (Lawson, 131). Without question, if the anger and frustration of the west continues to fester, there is the distinct possibility that western separatist movements and other difficulties could arise. As one final point, it surely cannot be overlooked that the Senate's unelected nature cuts deeply into any claims to legitimacy it may assert (Geddes, "All or Nothing," 32-33) and this too is undoubtedly another reason why western critics of the Senate find it so objectionable on those relatively rare occasions when it does do something substantive."
Abstract The paper discusses the various major proposals for the reform of Canada's unelected upper house and whether or not they are feasible with the confines of Canada's political culture and constitutional framework. Discussed are various "Triple-E" proposals, such as the Alberter Committee, the Molgat-Cosgrove Report, the Macdonald Commission and others.
From the Paper "The Molgat-Cosgrove Report, the Macdonald Commission, and the Beaudoin-Dobbie Report all oppose equality of provincial representation in the Senate (Stillborn, Senate Reform Proposals, 18-19). They argue that an equal number of seats for every province would cause gross disparities, over representing the smaller provinces and in turn, under representing the more populace ones. They all suggest that equality adjusted by population should be the principle on which to base seat distribution. Though the Beaudion-Dobbie Report contin-ues to say that ?distribution should seek to balance requirements of this principle against the need for enhanced representation for people living in the smaller provinces.? "
Abstract This paper discusses current workers' compensation reform. The problem presented in this paper is that although reform measures like Senate Bill 899 have had a positive effect on workers' compensation, particularly to making it more efficient, it has had a substantial effect on the way workers' compensation is done. However, reform also means that the workers' compensation practitioner has to make internal adjustments. This paper first presents an overview of the specific changes created by Senate Bill 899 and, second, makes specific recommendations as to practice changes that the workers' compensation practitioner will have to abide by in order to continue to have a profitable and compliant workers' compensation practice. The paper focuses only on the changes created by Senate Bill 899 as they effect the attorney and practice of the plaintiff's side of workers' compensation.
Outline:
I. Introduction
A. Background
B. The Problem
C. Purpose
D. Scope
II. Overview of Senate Bill 899
III. Effects of Senate Bill 899
A. Procedural Changes
B. Financial Impact
C. Retraining Issues
D. Penalties for Noncompliance
IV. Conclusion
From the Paper "Senate Bill 899 was enacted as a means to attempt to save jobs, reduce the costs of carrying workers' compensation insurance for employers, and improve the overall care available for the injured workers. The law was passed by the legislature with overwhelming, bipartisan support and was signed into law on April 19, 2004 by Governor Schwarzenegger. In summary, the reforms provided by Senate Bill 899 focuses primarily on controlling the ever-escalating costs of medial treatment. At the time of the bill's passing, medical costs accounted for fifty-one percent of every dollar and indemnity benefit, which accounted for forty-nine percent of every workers' compensation dollar spent. These expenses had all significantly risen over a period of less than ten years. For example, in 1997 it was estimated that California employers paid a total of $3.4 billion dollars in indemnity costs. By 2003 this number was at an estimated $5.8 billion. In 1997 an estimated 2.6 billion in medical costs was paid, whereas by 2003 the number had increased to $6.1 billion. Finally, the total costs spent by all California employers on workers' compensation (indemnity, medical, etc.) was at an estimated $8.3 billion in 1997. By 2003 this number was at an estimated $26.7 Billion. It was this problematic trend that Senate Bill 899 was aimed at reversing, or at least controlling."
Abstract This paper examines the current Canadian Senate and how it is a useless and outdated institution in dire need of reform. It demonstrates how the Senate as it currently exists, is a waste of money, serves only a symbolic role and goes against the principles of democracy. It evaluates how the Senate, if reformed, could alleviate the political tensions that exist between the federal government and their provincial counterparts, through provincial equality within the Upper House. It also looks at the increased legitimacy the Upper House would enjoy, if the Senate undertook a more active role in the Canadian legislative process and abandoned the appointment system.
From the Paper "Ontario and Quebec combine to account for 62% of the Canadian population4. Both Western and Atlantic Canada feel that the House of Commons is the place where representation by population should be exercised, not in the Upper House, "The Senate should serve as a stronger voice, in federal decision making, for the less populated provinces"5. The Central Canadian rule in the House of Commons is properly justified. Ontario and Quebec control 174 out of the 295 seats in the Canadian legislature, which happens to be only 59% of the seats6. Despite the fact that the House of Commons occupation by Central Canada is proportionately less than their occupation of the Canadian population, although insignificantly, the bordering regions of Canada do not feel that they are properly represented in Ottawa."
Abstract This paper examines the issue of senatereform in Canada, a major topic of political concern for a long while. The paper maintains that, despite various attempts, such as in Meech Lake and Charlottetown, there has yet to be any substantial improvements to the Senate of Canada. It argues that the Canadian Senate must be reformed to increase its effectiveness. The paper concludes that, although Prime Minister Stephen Harper can be seen to be pushing for improvements, Canada also look to other nations with similar governments as examples on how to effectively alter the Senate.
From the Paper "A brief history of the Canadian Senate is necessary to fully comprehend the issues affecting it. The Senate became an official component of the Parliament of Canada in 1867 with the passing of the British North America Act. As Canada's system of governance is based on the British Westminster model, so was the Senate modeled after the elitist British House of Lords. John A. MacDonald referred to the Senate as a place of "sober second thought", intended to represent the interests of the people in various Canadian regions. Unfortunately, throughout the decades this has not occurred, and personal and party interests frequently override regional ones. Ordinarily the Senate consists of 105 members, although currently there are 93 sitting Senators . These members are chosen by the Governor General on the advice of the current Prime Minister . Once appointed, a Senator may serve until the age of seventy five years. Seats are assigned on a regional basis with each region supposedly receiving the representation of 24 Senators (Refer to Appendix 1). As is obvious in the chart, many parts of Canada are under- represented, an issue which will be tackled later in this paper. Those fortunate enough to obtain a position within the Upper House, receive a basic sessional salary of $122,700 (2006) . In addition to this salary, many senators receive additional salaries for various duties and a vehicle and residence allowance for certain Senators."
Abstract This paper explains California's current redistricting process and an alternative approach backed by Governor Schwarzenegger called Proposition 77. Redistricting is the legal process of redrawing the boundaries of the political districts. The aim of this proposal was to amend the state constitution to give redistricting duties to a panel of retired judges and require them to try to draw new lines in time for the June primary in 2006. Findings show that present-day redistricting has problems, but that the proposed solution is equally flawed. The positive effect that resulted from proposition 77 was to bring attention to current problems and some alternative suggestions that could have real impact. The paper discusses why Proposition 77 was defeated despite the fact that many recognize that redistricting is a flawed system.
From the Paper "In the 1960's, the United States Supreme Court ruled, based on the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution, that the states are required to reconstruct the boundary lines of the Congressional, State Legislative and other districts the year after the year in which the national decennial census is conducted to make certain that the population of each district is reasonably equal (Redistricting for activists 101). Article XXI of the California Constitution also requires that the boundaries of California's political districts be redrawn at this time. California law states that redistricting, the legal process of redrawing the boundaries of the political districts, be conducted through the legislative process. Redistricting legislation is introduced, moved through the hearing process, passed out of the Legislature and sent to the Governor much the same as other bills."
Abstract This paper refers to concepts of proportional representation, regional representation and asymmetrical federalism in reference to the status of Quebec in Canada. It calls for a reformed and strengthened Canadian Senate to promote provincial interests within the federal system.
From the Paper "Still, in the current Canadian political context, the Senate does serve some functions. However, the potential exists to expand its role and structure to serve a more active role in the Canadian political system. Specifically, the Senate ought to be reformed and strengthened to promote provincial interests within the federal system. Existing models and concepts of Senate reform will be critically evaluated before a model is presented which will attempt to rectify existing problems, as well as to avoid potential failings which critics of Senate reform often predict."
Abstract This paper makes an attempt to trace the history of performance of the United Nations Security Council and purposes for which the veto has been used. It also discusses the various reformproposals and their supposed effectiveness in meeting the objectives of reforms. Finally, the paper presents a blueprint of a proposedreforms package.
Outline
The Main Problems of the Security Council
The Past as Prelude
The ReformProposals What Dent the ProposedReforms Can Make-Can they Democratize the Security Council?
A Proposed Blueprint
From the Paper "The reform of the Security Council has been on the international agenda for quite some time. Even by conservative standards, there seems to be an agreement on the existence of certain problems with the Security Council structure. Based on who happened to be on the winning side of the war 60 years ago, it is not representative of United Nations membership and out of key with the United Nations' Charter requirement of "equitable geographical distribution" of seats. It could reasonably be argued that the original 1945 bargain, which conceded privileges to certain nations in return for commitment, has broken down and should be revisited."
Abstract This paper reviews the debate over the need for reform of the United Nations (UN) security council. It provides a history of the security council and discusses the proposedreforms. The paper argues that security council reform is both necessary and yet unlikely for the foreseeable future given the conflicting national interests of the current Veto-holding permanent members of the security council.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
The Origins and Structure of the Security Council
The Current ReformProposals Two-Track Reform and the Resistance to Change
From the Paper "In general, there exist two tracks or reform paths that are currently being pursued at the international level. The first of these is a proposal by the Group of Four (G4) countries (Japan, Germany, Brazil and India) that would give them, along with two African nations, permanent seats at the Security Council, with three new rotating memberships. This would expand the total membership of the Security Council to 25. The second was the more vague proposal, made by the Secretary Generals Panel of Eminent Persons in 2005, that did not endorse a specific plan but rather two general options for reform: (1) increasing the number of permanent and non-permanent members; or (2) enlarging the Council only with non-permanent members, but whose terms are longer than the current two year limit and who have the capacity to run for re-election (Crook 2005; Forman 2005)."
Tags: G4, secretary, general, policy, international
This paper argues in favor of a proposal for illegal immigration reform, which would require immigrating individuals to serve in the United States Armed Forces for a predetermined time of enlistment.
Abstract This paper explains that requiring illegal immigrants to serve in the U.S. army would solve two current major issues in the U.S.: illegal immigration and the rapidly declining military recruiting numbers. The author points out that, only taking into account the half million illegal immigrants that cross the border every year, the size of the army could be increased by more than one third by requiring all eligible immigrants to serve. The paper states that the first obstacle to this proposal is not money but a common language, which could be overcome by re-allocating the funds used for huge signing bonuses to teaching immigrants English. The paper concludes that this immigration reformproposal would change totally the dynamics of how the United States maintains its standing army while continuing to keep good relations with Mexico and other neighboring countries.
From the Paper "As previously stated, one proposal to combat the massively declining recruiting numbers in the U.S. Armed Forces is with immigrant service members. A vast majority of people do not know that the first U.S. soldier killed in Iraq was a Guatemalan who first entered the United States illegally. He had been able to change his immigration status and showed his gratitude to his adopted country by joining the military and, in the end, giving his life. The U.S. Armed Forces are losing thousands of soldiers, marines, airmen, and sailors every year."
Abstract This paper claims that because of the constitutional structure of the legislative branch of the federal government, United States senators are generally considered to exercise more power and have more prestige than members of the House of Representatives. It explains that essentially, senators have more power and prestige because the constitution grants them six-year terms in office and limits representatives to brief, two-year terms. Furthermore, the smaller size of the Senate compared to the House of Representatives confers more power, influence and prestige upon senators, for there are only one hundred of them compared to more than four hundred representatives.
From the Paper "Because of the Constitutional structure of the legislative branch of the federal government, United States senators are generally considered to exercise more power and have more prestige than members of the House of Representatives. Essentially, senators have more power and prestige because the Constitution grants them six-year terms in office and limits representatives to brief, two-year terms. Furthermore, the smaller size of the Senate compared to the House of Representatives confers more power, influence, and prestige upon senators, for there are only one-hundred of them compared to more than four-hundred representatives. (Manin 48) In addition to these factors, House and Senate legislative rules, committee procedures, and control of legislation are different."
Abstract This paper studies the U.S. Senate Committee on Appropriations. The paper describes the Committee's function to oversee expenditures and examines the degree to which the Committee wield real power over the national budget's purse strings. The paper focuses on the 105th Congress, detailing membership, leadership and issues faced by the Committee.
From the Paper "Because of its large amount of work, the U.S. Senate divides its functions among committees. Each committee has its own guidelines and adopts its own rules. The chair of each committee and a majority of its members control the work of the committee and hire its..."
Tags:Senate, U.S., Committee, Appropriations, Senate, Membership, Leadership, Issues, Expenditures, Congress
Abstract This paper addresses the question of how to effectively implement electoral reform in favor of direct election with a runoff contingent. The author addresses the complexities of the amendment process, the general reluctance to tamper with the Constitution, the multiplicity of reformproposals that abound, and the difficulty in countering the opposition of those groups who benefit under the status quo. How to cultivate national interest and support from an array of interest groups and the government is also discussed.
From the Paper "Constitutional amendments regarding electoral college reform have been offered in almost every single session of Congress, leading many to believe that more proposals have been offered for electoral reform than for any other single part of the Constitution (Longley and Braun 42). Oddly enough, rectification has proven remarkably challenging despite a history of electoral upheavals and insistent criticism. This difficulty arises from the numerous obstacles that hinder electoral reform. To begin with, the amendment process itself is rather arduous and requires substantial support within both chambers of Congress and individual state legislatures. Moreover, there is an overall reluctance to tamper with the Constitution in general. Additionally, the existence of a multiplicity of reform proposals- automatic, proportional, district, direct vote, and an array of hybrid plans- diminishes the strength of any reform movement by dividing its supporters."
Abstract This paper examines the history of campaign finance and campaign finance reform for elected officials in the U.S. It discusses the main issues in the debate including corruption, disorganization, and mass media influence. it outlines the McCain-Fiengold Bill as well as the debate between Bush and McCain during the primaries of the 2001 Presidental Election campaign.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Campaign Finance Reform 3. Issues
4. McCain-Feingold Bill
5. McCain / Bush
6. Conclusion
From the paper:
"From the first democratic election, politicians, journalists, and the public have decried the high cost of campaigns. It cannot be disputed that political campaigns rely on money from filing until the election and well beyond. From the beginning of the democratic election process, politicians, journalists, and the public have individually and collectively viewed with horror the ever-increasing cost of campaigns. Each election cycle sets a new record for spending. The critics cite the cost of presenting a candidate or issue but fail to take into consideration the increasing number of voters, distribution of constituencies, competition to spend, cost of new technologies, and inflationary pressures."
Abstract This essay discusses reform efforts and proposals, arguing that a revised and enlarged structure of the Security Council would benefit all members and improve the effectiveness of this important UN organ.
From the Paper "Inside the United Nations and in both the halls of governments and the popular press, a debate has raged over various proposals to reform the Security Council to make that organ's membership less exclusive and to improve its capacity to function in response to various crises and issues. As Marianne Hanson commented, "the United Nations" Security Council (UNSC) remains the world's primary instrument for maintaining international peace and security.? Various reform proposals have been put forward, reflecting the recognition on the part of many different actors and policymakers that the Security Council would benefit from fundamental changes."
