Abstract This paper examines the Vietnam Phoenix program and discusses whether the Phoenix program was successful and the problems that were associated with it. It specifically discusses the lessons that can be learned for counterinsurgency from the years 1967 to 1972 and then goes on to examine how these lessons can be applied to the War in Iraq.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Introduction
Research Question
Scope and Significance
Summation
Thesis Overview
Literature Review
The Phoenix Program in Vietnam
Methodology
Data and Findings
Lessons Learned from Phoenix
Conclusions/Recommendations
Applications for Iraq
From the Paper "The lesson learned from Phoenix and from the Vietnam War in general was that the open airing of the ugly side of war is to be avoided at all costs, and yet the Abu Ghraib offenders seem to have never learned this particular lesson. Moving forward from this discussion the U.S. must come up with a comprehensive plan to regain the trust of the Muslim world. The U.S. must disunite a previously fractured system of groups, who united on the idealism of the high level of morality that is stressed in the Islamic faith, all without further dividing the many factions that will eventually have to live together in a unified nation, if that is still in the cards. It is for this reason that the humanitarian lessons of the Phoenix Program must be reiterated even further, as well as the need to win back the hearts and minds of those Iraqis not interested in further strife and insurgent attacks. Another lesson that was learned during the Phoenix Program was an essential need to rely on the civic system to relate information and understanding regarding the history and intentions of each group. Armed militias, not unlike those in North Vietnam, assert power and influence through coercion and violence and demand infrastructural support from the region in which they work, similar to the VC. The lesson here is being that state-building and realistic infrastructural support systems must be built in these regions, for lasting change to become effected."
Abstract This paper looks at how, in order to ascertain the degree to which states exercise their power, it is first necessary to properly analyze the components which define great powers - that is the political, military, and, most importantly, economic components. The writer then discusses several theories that quantify power in terms of these components, noting that there have been numerous examples of great powers that have exercised their political, military, and economic influence throughout the centuries. Next, the writer examines the current international scene and asserts that, at this time, the international scene is not dominated by a great power, nor should it be. The paper concludes that, while there have been numerous examples of great powers that have exercised their political, military, and economic influence throughout the centuries, at this time, and taking into account the current evolutions in international affairs in terms of security, financial supremacy and political diversity, it is hard to find a state that would fit the traditional definition of a great power.
From the Paper "However, the range of their power cannot be compared to any subsequent definitions of the term great power due to the fact that at the time, the Hellenistic world was considered to be the only one available for states to claim. In this sense, one cannot look at the magnitude of their influence but from a military perspective. Nonetheless, in all confrontations that took place at the time victory resulted in the political domination of the adversary. The Macedonian empire under the rule of Alexander exercised complete political control over the territories it conquered. Even so, neither example can be certified as being but regional powers because of the limited amount of time they manifested their dominance."
Abstract This paper examines how the word "uniform" mostly conjures up two examples, the military and prison. It analyzes how, although uniforms are designed with functionality in mind, they also have features that either give power to the wearer or take power away. It looks at the history of uniforms in the American militia, shows how rank insignia gives the wearer unquestionable power over his subordinates, and how, with military rank insignias prominently displayed, no matter which of the plethora of uniforms a soldier is wearing, a fellow member of the military can quickly determine if the person he or she is seeing is a superior.
From the Paper "The uniforms of early America were as varied as the groups who fought in them, although they too occasionally had design elements that signified rank, most of the deviation was to signify which company a man was a member of. For example, ?in 1772 the uniform of the Independent Foot Companies of New York were, for the Grenadiers blue, with red facings, for the Fusileers, the same with bearskin caps. The Forresters and the Rangers wore short green coats with buff or crimson facings (and) the dark blue with red facings was worn by the artillery.? (Long) Each company had unique uniform systems. And, if a company did have variations within its troops, they didn?t always have variations indicating the rank of the wearer. With all of the different uniforms in use, one company would not necessarily understand the differences of another company's uniforms."
Abstract This paper discusses President Dwight Eisenhower's warning to Americans in 1961 to beware of the military-industrial complex. It explains why he was concerned about the power and influence being accumulated by the defense industry in the United States. The paper discusses the influence of the Cold War tensions between the communist world and the free world on Eisenhower's military-industrial complex concerns.
From the Paper " In conclusion, President Dwight Eisenhower's warning in 1961 of the power and influence being accumulated by the military-industrial complex was based on his concerns that the Cold War tensions between the communist world and the free world was creating a permanent industrial-military-political power base in the United States.
President Eisenhower believed that the massive spending on conventional and nuclear weaponry generated by the Cold War was necessary to a certain extent, but he also considered the military-industrial complex that has been created by this spending to be a potential threat to America's democratic institutions and to world peace. That threat is no longer just potential, it is very real, and is inflicting grave damage on America's economy and democratic institutions every day."
Abstract This paper points out that, historically, the economic health of a country is what makes a country a great power because it is this economic wealth that permits a country to become a militarypower. The paper goes on to explain why the power of the United States must eventually fade even if it is not for another 50 to 100 years.
From the Paper "Largely, the Great Powers of the modern world have come into being as emerging economic and political trends have allowed. The ever-shifting tides of the world's social foundations have tended to produce successive powers that rise and fall over the course of history. Generally, what make these powers great are their military capabilities, but of course, these are commanded by the economic base supporting them. A powerful economy can allow for enormous military expenditures, and generate vast influence across the planet."
Abstract The paper examines the various forms of government, including, pluralism, social democracy, participatory democracy and the concept of elitism. The paper focuses on the system of military elitism where all citizens would be granted an equal opportunity to participate in the government, but, this participation would be founded upon the individuals' participation in the military of the country. The paper then considers the potential negative outcomes of military elitism but concludes with a positive perspective of this form of government.
Outline:
Who Should Rule
The Potential Political Venues
The Proposed System and Value of Military Elitism
The Elitism in Current Military Spending
The Arguments Against Military Elitist Government
Conclusion
From the Paper "The form of government which is perceived as the most fair in regards to both the connection and investment of the citizen with the government, alongside the citizen's capacity to obtain power through the government, is military elitism. In this form of government, participation would be limited to those who have served in the military. By establishing this requirement, it ensures that all those living within the country who wish to achieve political power must first help the country through serving it in the military. This would create a ruling class of individuals who have and will continue to serve the country, with hopefully its best intentions in mind."
Tags: social, participatory, democracy, pluralism, elite, policy, power
Abstract The paper identifies three reasons why Hitler managed to gain such power; there was rampant anti-Semitism, the rest of the world underestimated him and Hitler also managed to gain the trust of the German people because he carried out his promises. The paper therefore shows how Hitler gained power through a brilliant combination of politics, economic policy and psychological and military might. The paper points out that it is easy from a new millennium perspective to dismiss Adolf Hitler as an obsessive madman who fooled an entire nation, but, on the contrary, Hitler was a brilliant politician who sold himself very well and eliminated those who did not buy his philosophy.
From the Paper "On March 7, 1936, German troops, under the leadership of dictator Adolf Hitler, took over the Rhineland. Hitler not only blatantly violated the Treaty of Versailles; this act, essentially the beginning of World War Two, proved to the world that Hitler was not only a force to be reckoned with; it also gave later scholars years of theorizing as to how a supposedly "civilized" country like Germany could fall definitively under the spell off such a man. One can essentially pinpoint three definitive reasons why Hitler could have gained such power."
Abstract The paper describes "Carnage and Culture" as a conservative view of Western military history that asserts that Western military might is superior to and cannot be defeated by non-Westerners. The paper examines Hanson's reasons why certain fundamentals of Western society and culture make this the case. The paper discusses how Hanson believes that the war in Iraq is not only winnable, but that victory is a certainty. The paper contends that, on the contrary, current events are teaching us that in many ways the war on Iraq has already been lost.
From the Paper "Hanson, author of The Western Way of War (1989) and The Other Greeks (1995), has chosen nine battles fought by the West against various non-Western enemies that prove, as Hanson claims, why Western cultures have been able to field armies and navies capable of routing numerically superior enemies all across history. Seven of these battles were victories for the West. Of the other two, one is the ruinous Roman defeat at Cannae in 216 B.C, and the other an offensive in the late stages of the Vietnam War in 1968 - a strategic victory overseas that became a political defeat at home in the United States. Each of these battles is lovingly recreated - and some critics claim re-imagined in favor of the author's speculations - as Hanson spells out his thesis; that the Western war machine is superior, and that it is the personal politics of the individual that make it so."
Abstract This paper examines Mills's book, "The Power Elite", which is about the nature and function of the elite and how the economy, politics and military merge to dominate state affairs and, to a certain extent, even the personal affairs of people. The paper outlines the book's thesis as well as the criticisms and analysis of the power elite Mills offers in the book.
From the Paper "Mills goes back and forth in time to explain how this power culture was created and how it has remained intact since the independence. The author maintains that apart from the usual crowd i.e. the politicians and the entertainment professionals we have the corporate heroes who form an integral part of the power elite group. These are those obscenely rich people who made their fortunes during the industrial age and have managed to grow in wealth and power over the century. In the chapter "The Very Rich", Mills argues that these very rich people have now been able to attain the support of the mass media that projects them in positive light even though they were once called the "robber barons". In the past, they at least had the academic community against them but with the passage of time, it seems everyone including the scholars are in awe of their power and affluence."
Tags:powerful, influential, groups, unlimited, powers, privileges, decisions, affect, centralization, information
Abstract This paper discusses how the War Powers Act of 1973 aimed to define specifically and clearly the processes and steps in waging war. This Act required two factors before the declaration or during the continuance of warfare; the consent of Congress and of the President. The paper describes the collective judgment of both the Congress and the President in declaring war or involving the United States' Army in any hostilities. The paper discusses how U.S. Presidents have invoked the War Powers Act in the past, declaring military action without informing Congress. The paper discusses how the War Powers Act was again in the limelight after the 9-11 incidents.
From the Paper "Several times throughout history, the war powers of the President have been put in question. "In Ex Parte Milligan, the Court found unconstitutional Lincoln's order authorizing trial by a military tribunal of Lambdin P. Milligan, an Indiana lawyer accused of stirring up support for the Confederacy. The Court ruled that civilians must be tried in civilian courts, even during time of war, as long at least as the civilian courts are open and operating. The Court also found the President lacked authority to declare martial law in Indiana. (Linder 2006)""
Abstract This paper talks about Joseph Nye's book, "The Paradox of American Power", and Nye's impressive credentials, which give great credibility to the book. The paper summarizes the chapters in the book, explains their major points, and discusses the book's dominant theme of "soft power".
From the Paper "The Paradox of American power is an interesting account of America's rise to the status of super power where Joseph Nye explains why America's lone ranger approach can no longer work in today's world. The author has extremely impressive credentials, which lends more credibility to his research and his work as a political analyst is greatly appreciated. Joseph Nye Jr. is ?currently the dean at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, he was, during the Clinton Administration, chairman of the National Intelligence Council and an Assistant Defense Secretary. He also has a reputation as a prognosticator. In 1989, he wrote a contrarian but prescient book called Bound to Lead, which explained why the then-ailing U.S. would ultimately succeed against Japan, which looked like an invincible industrial giant. This time, though, Nye's crystal ball portends ill for the U.S.? (Crock, 2002) "
Abstract This paper examines the War Powers Act of 1973, which was passed by Congress in response to the massive deployment of American troops to Vietnam in the nineteen-sixties. This deployment had begun in 1965 in the aftermath of the passage of the Tonkin Gulf Resolution and had continued to escalate for four years. The paper shows that by 1969, more than five-hundred-thousand American soldiers were fighting in Southeast Asia and U.S. military commanders were demanding the deployment of two-hundred thousand additional troops.
Abstract This paper explores the growing cocaine and marijuana market in Latin American countries and the lack of local resources available to prevent this valuable and profitable industry from expanding even more. The writer of this paper details the U.S. military's role in aiding these countries, as well as the cost to the American people, while pondering if the American military should even be involved in drug related issues outside the U.S. The cost for the military intervention in the war on drugs continues to rise and has created entirely new perceptions about money and the military both within and outside the U.S. This paper discusses the military involvement in the war on drugs and cites the leading recipients of aid, military equipment, training and personnel. This paper also delves into a program, involving military participation, which was recently introduced in Congress, called the Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act. This act would authorized $2.3 billion over three years for military hardware, personnel, training and a small amount for alternative crop development in various Latin American countries.
From the Paper "Even though the House and various representatives have called on military action, the Pentagon was reluctant- albeit, it finally was dragged into it. Even though the Pentagon budget continues to grow, year after year, there are still concerns that legislators who dole out the tens of millions of dollars are underestimating the total cost. In a recent report to the House and Senate armed services committees, the Department of Defense estimated that "24-hour surveillance of the U.S. 'southern fence', the border from Jacksonville, Florida, to San Diego, full interdiction capability, and C13 programs, would cost between $480.4 million and $760.5 million annually, depending on the equipment mix ." All this money without a single soldier leaving the continental U.S.- even though advisers may now be operating in the various targeted Latin American countries. All that has been publicized, and strongly so, are planes and equipment, everything from helicopters to flame throwers which are supposed to be used by the local troops."
Abstract The Bush Administration strongly believes that the events of September 11th have created conditions under which a Military Order calling for military courts - essentially military tribunals - is justified. The predominate reason given is that the military tribunal will provide an atmosphere in which individuals who are terrorists or who are affiliated with terrorists can be brought to justice. This paper examines the nature of a military tribunal through ethical arguments
This paper examines the available research regarding the impact to soldiers of extended military deployments which include: Divorce, mental illness, substance abuse and domestic problems.
Abstract The writer of this paper details the current research which proves that longer tours of duty in the military carry with them many negative effects. Higher rates of mental illness, divorce, substance abuse and more difficult and lengthy family problems can result from extended military deployments. The writer explores the short and long term problems associated that affect the soldier, the soldier's family, the military in general and even the economy. This paper also examines the effects of the 'stop loss' program, which went into effect in 2002 and entails keeping soldiers on active duty and redeployed even beyond their anticipated discharge from the service. From the ability of the military to recruit new soldiers to the morale of the individuals, longer deployments continue to cause problems in the military services.
One major area of concern relating to longer deployments, detailed in this paper, is that of the mental health impact on the soldiers.
From the Paper "Along with the mental issues related to longer deployment, family problems also increase as deployment length increases. Studies following the Afghanistan conflict and the Iraq war showed that divorce rates among families with deployed military members increased as much as 37 to 56 percent. These high rates often come from the added stress of unknown lengths of tours. A study conducted by the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research and the U.S. Army Research Institute showed the "key impact on family appeared to be the length of the tour." Sixty eight percent of respondents noted that a year of active service overseas was worrisome, and would cause family difficulties. Additionally, spouses of those deployed noted that their soldiers had recently completed a lengthy deployment and were redeployed, expanding the total separation up to 24 months or more."
