Abstract This paper examines one of the ways in which the Chilean armed forces have continued to exert power and influence in post-dictatorship Chile -through the National Security Council, a quasi-governmental institution given the role of convening to discuss threats to national security. This paper shows how, due to the failures of the council to engage in legitimate national security discourse as well as the symbolic nature of this tool of military intervention, it is in actuality a body that is not conducive to the furthering of unity, stability, and democracy within Chile.
From the Paper "Although the power and influence of the military has been diminished since the end of the Pinochet dictatorship in 1990, the Chilean armed forces nonetheless have managed to maintain a substantial political and civilian role in Chilean society after the transition back to democracy. One of the most important manifestations of this lingering power and influence has been the National Security Council, a near-perfect representation not only of the Chilean military's perpetual political ambitions but also of its fixation upon the notion of ?national security.? The symbolism of this institution has consequently cast the very existence of the National Security Council in the national spotlight, and it has been one of the most debated and controversial issues of contemporary Chilean politics, especially in the current administration of Socialist Ricardo Lagos. The negative consequences of a sustained opportunity for military involvement in civilian and political affairs, even on a seemingly small scale, such as exists with the National Security Council in its present form is not conducive to further democratic growth and unity in Chilean society. What this paper aims to do is identify the importance of the National Security Council in its implications on civilian-military relations, national unity, stability, and democracy, and to explain how it is an obstacle to these principles."
A study of the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal, convened in December 2000, to attempt to bring accountability to those who enslaved thousands of women through the Japanese Military's Sexual Slavery scheme, during World War II.
Abstract This paper explores and discusses the impediments to the implementation of the 2000 Tokyo Tribunal. It investigates how the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal came to be and what it hoped to accomplish. To gain a full appreciation of the background to the issue that gave rise to the December 2000 Tribunal, this paper reviews the Japanese Imperialist Army practice, justification and affects of the system of sexual slavery. Following the historical review, it looks at how the Japanese and other government's attitudes towards the comfort women program has hampered justice for victims. Finally, an overview of the follow-up meeting in The Hague in 2001 highlights what the efforts of these survivors and others have accomplished.
Introduction
Statement of Problem
Comfort Women, a Background
Legal Issues
Impediments to Justice
Events Leading to the Tokyo Tribunal
December 2000 Tokyo Tribunal on Sexual Slavery
Conclusion
Bibliography
From the Paper "The Women's International War Crimes Tribunal did not happen overnight. Rather it was a product of years of effort by individuals and organizations in nine countries throughout Asia and the West. Until the early 1990's the Japanese government refused to even acknowledge the fact of the enslavement of women into their comfort women scheme during the war. This hearing did not become a reality overnight. It took years of effort and scholarship for the Tribunal to become reality.
The International Military Tribunal for the Far East, known as the Tokyo war crimes trials, neglected to punish a single Japanese leader for the slavery, subsequent abuse, and destruction of women's lives who were forced into becoming sexual slaves for the Japanese government. (Soh 2001) Documents kept at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. revealed U.S. military intelligence units had gathered important information on the comfort women program. (Soh) Some writers feel that the Tokyo tribunal's absence of addressing this human rights violation reflects a pervasive racism of Western nations toward non-white people but also that fact that no American women were victimized. (Soh) (Llewellyn 2001) Rough estimates by scholars believe that the number of comfort women ranged between 50,000 and 200,000 and that most were believed to be Korean."
Abstract Examines the purpose of Pope John XXIII in convening the Council in 1965, the intended and unintended effects, the major changes that emerged from Vatican II concerning the traditional Mass, and the new openness shown by including lay members and women.
From the Paper In 1965, responding to a call from Pope John XXIII, the cardinals, archbishops, bishops, and theological scholars of the Roman Catholic Church met in Rome at an ecumenical council. According to Pope John XXIII, the purpose of the council was to advance a..."
Abstract This paper examines how, after World War II, judges from Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and the United States tried twenty-two Nazi leaders, primarily Holocaust perpetrators, for crimes against humanity, violating long-established rules of war, and waging aggressive war, and how these trials would eventually become known as the ?Nuremberg Trials.? It looks at how many have argued that the long-term impact of these trials is that they were able to establish a stigma against governments that engage in genocide. It also discusses how the greatest lasting impact of the Nuremberg Trials is that, in the some 100-plus civil wars since 1945, no international body had been convened to try aggressor nations or individuals accused of war crimes.
From the Paper "If we look back at Nazi war crimes, we may note that despite the reluctance of nations to unite in common cause and move swiftly toward a lasting road against aggression, the hope of a more lasting peace is likely to serve as a deterrent for all future warring factions. This was essentially the best that many judges and UN officials could hope for
as Nuremberg's brightest promise. The world had a problem of what to do about the Nazi regime that had presided over the extermination of some six million Jews and deaths of millions of others with no basis in military necessity. Never before in history had the victors tried the vanquished for crimes committed during a war. Though, never in history
had the perpetrators been involved in a plot of such a mass destruction of the human populace."
Abstract This paper studies John Calvin's work "Institutes of the Christian Religion," in which he addresses the issues of infant baptism and circumcision within the Christian faiths. The paper shows that Calvin believed that infant baptism is a divine institution, which infants can not be deprived of without violating the will of God. The paper also demonstrates how Calvin paralleled the practice of baptism for the Christians with circumcision for the Jews, as based on the Scripture. The paper begins with an explanation of the baptismal rituals and their historical and religious development. Next, the paper explores the ritual of circumcision within the Bible and discusses its connection to infant baptism. The paper then presents the views of religious authorities who oppose infant baptism, before concluding with a detailed summary of Calvin's views in favor of it.
Outline
Introduction
Definition of Baptism
Infant Baptism -Historical Perspective
The Meaning of Circumcision
Circumcision and Infant Baptism
Those Opposing Baptism
Calvin's Defense of the practice of Infant Baptism and Circumcision
Conclusion
From the Paper "Calvin instantly attempts to show the continuity between baptism and circumcision (3). He argues that the regeneration of the Abrahamic covenant and institution of circumcision connected in Genesis included "the promise of eternal life." He says Christ Himself implies this in Mathew , and Paul testify it almost explicitly Calvin points out that the proof that circumcision is an external rite equivalent to an internal regenerative work of divine grace is the statements in Dt. 10:16 and 30:6 that God circumcises the hearts; in other words, external circumcision is a counterpart to the preceding internal circumcision. Circumcision indicates the purging from sin, the setting aside of the sinful flesh, and a public testimony of obedience, the very things baptism is said to specify. In sum, both circumcision and baptism signify the preceding work of regeneration (4). The disparity between the two ceremonies, asserts Calvin, is not in the internal work both indicate, but just in the external aspect of the rite."
Abstract The paper explains that, when the Constitutional Convention convened in Philadelphia during the summer of 1787 and the founders of the United States sought to put into writing the ideological basis for the nation they had recently created, slavery was an issue. The author points out that the perpetuation of slavery was a direct contradiction to their premise that "all men are created equal" and many members of the convention called for its abolishment. The paper relates that, instead, it was acknowledged by the convention that the southern economy could not function without it; slavery continued but only where it was indispensable; however, the Continental Congress did attempt to eliminate the trading of slaves between America and Africa.
From the Paper "Still, advocates for the rights of blacks were numerous in the early years of the United States. People like Anthony Benezet, Dr. Benjamin Rush, and Benjamin Franklin overtly urged blacks to oust their oppressors and to seek total equality (Meltzer, 31). In 1757, a Quaker named John Woolman routinely wrote of his reasoning for condemning slavery: "Men having power too often misapplied it; that though we made slaves of Negroes, and the Turks made slaves of the Christians, I believed that liberty was the natural right of all men equally." (Meltzer, 32). These were the people and principles that formed the United States, so when war broke out it was quickly recognized that forcing slave forces to fight was not in accord with the moral foundation of the nation."
Abstract This paper explains that, in 1846 when the first convention for Women's Rights convened, women did not even have the right to speak out publicly and demand their rights. The author points out that the arguments, which justified the demand for women's suffrage, were (1) the "natural rights" argument that women were persons and justice was a natural right of personhood and (2) the "expediency" argument that women could carry out their roles more efficiently if they had the vote because their effect on the country would be to purify and lift up society into a more moral state. The paper relates that, between 1910 and 1920, middle-class black women became active in the cause; however, they could never overlook the issue of racism, which, for them, was not just a matter of being women because their color was a major cause of oppression.
From the Paper "Anti-suffragists argued that changing women's roles was a danger to society and to the stability of the family. They argued that because the family was the basic unit of society, women didn't need to vote because their husbands cast a vote for the whole family, a household vote. If women had the vote, they might vote against their husbands. This would destroy home and family and create anarchy. Women were not emotionally or mentally suited to the responsibilities of voting. They were sentimental and childlike and prone to hysteria. Women should be excused from the vote because it might ruin their purity and moral superiority."
Abstract The purpose of this essay is to analyze the responses of a hospital ethics committee which has convened in order to determine the status of a patient who has requested to be allowed to die, despite protestations from his family. The responses of the ethics committee are examined through the lens of five differing philosophical approaches to bioethics.
From the Paper "These perspectives are utilitarianism, Kantian-ism, liberal individualism, communitarian-ism, and ethics of care. The analysis of the ethical situation will be evaluated from all of these perspectives in order to illustrate the wide range of the bioethical conflict in these circumstances. First, the writer presents the case study in order to provide context. Following that, this analysis is divided into five separate sections that present the evaluation of the situation through each of the five philosophical traditions. The conclusion summarizes the overall findings of the ... "
Abstract This paper discusses some issues that should be considered before, during, and after a proposed outsourcing is accomplished by a company. The writer uses AccuCare of Bradford as a case study, and makes recommendations on convening and informing the employees who will be let go and those who remain. The legal department should ascertain any company liabilities during this process. Alternatives to laying people off are also suggested. The writer explains the importance for AccuCare to highlight the positive aspects of this decision and recommend specific as well as general solutions to its employees in order to retain its reputation as an excellent employer.
From the Paper "Another potential problem is that the employee's union may step in, may threaten legal action, and in a worst case scenario may file suit against the company for breach of contract. It is recommended that the company take preventive measures immediately to forestall any such action. This can be accomplished in a number of ways. The immediate response to such a threat would be to sit down with the union and discuss the objectives and reasoning of the company and how it will affect the employees. The key to success in this particular venture is in getting the union to buy in to the situation. Without the union's support this could be a disaster. As usual, it will be a 'tit for tat' discussion so the company may wish to consider extending a few incentives to the union's leadership in an effort to gain their support."
Abstract The paper relates that the Congress of Vienna, when world leaders convened in Vienna in September of 1814, was an attempt to stabilize Europe after the chaos of revolutions, upheaval, the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire and continental war. The paper discusses how the Congress ignored the pervasive liberal and nationalistic fervor by attempting to reinstate the aristocracy and royal houses, and this would prove to be an egregious error on their part and lead to future upheaval. The paper focuses on the representatives of Britain, France, Austria and Russia and how they negotiated to divide up empires and gain territories.
From the Paper "The Congress of Vienna was an attempt to stabilize Europe after the chaos of revolutions, upheaval, the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire and continental war. Napoleon was at last defeated and there had to be an understanding by the great powers, without which there could be no lasting peace. The population of Europe had witnessed the fall of the House of Bourbon and the rise and fall of Bonaparte. They had seen revolutions succeed and revolutions betrayed. Those royal houses still secure on their thrones had to change the geopolitical structure and the face of the continent as well for their own security. They put in place a system doomed to failure in the face of the rising tide of realpolitik by totally ignoring the liberal and nationalistic fervor so pervasive in the land (Neumann 1996)."
Tags: Britain, France, Austria, Russia, power, territory, alliances
