Abstract This essay concentrates on the events of 1975's consitutional crisis and whether or not Sir John Kerr exercised his reserve powers correctly. The paper includes an outline of a "direction of the future" showing how the reserve powers should be used in the future. In the 1975 supply crisis, some of Australia's most controversial political decisions were made. The Governor-General (GG) of the time, John Kerr, made the decisions under the "reserve powers". Finally, a "direction of the future" is outlined on how the reserve powers should be used in the future.
From the Paper "The Facts Under s53 of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act (1990), the Senate has the power to reject or defer budget appropriation bills (money bills), which are required for the ordinary annual services undertaken by the government . On 16 October 1975, the Senate passed a declaration moved by Liberal Senator Cotton . The declaration provided that the Government's money bills would not be passed until "the government agreed to submit itself to the judgment of the people"."
Abstract This paper critiques the book "A Brilliant Solution: Inventing the American Constitution" by Carol Berkin. The paper evaluates Berkin's success in presenting her thesis, which is that the 1787 Constitutional Convention, and the constitution the delegates forged, was the imperfect yet totally correct -- and even miraculous -- solution to a governmental crisis in America. The paper begins with a thorough review of the book and its chapters, lauding Berkin for making the delegates come to life for the reader. Next, the paper assesses Berkin's use of a wide variety of research material and highlights her use of historical detail. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of Berkin's organization of the book.
From the Paper "Most Americans think they know the story of the American Constitution, how it was drafted, and what it meant for the country's newfound freedom. However, this book really delves deeply into the events and people surrounding the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787, and shows that for the most part, Americans have no clue about the real motivations and people who drafted the Constitution we still so staunchly defend. As she notes in the Introduction, "It is this story of anxious and determined men who set for themselves the task of saving their nation that I have set out to tell." The author does more than recount history, she makes it, and the history-makers, come alive, seem like real people, and become more sympathetic in the process. Some people think the men who drafted the Constitution were larger than life with high ideals and lofty goals. Berkin shows they were simply men, who wanted to do a job for their country - a good job. They were not sure their work would last, but they were clear about their purpose and their goals, and that is really the "brilliant" solution to a nation's ills - that the country had such men who would work so hard to create a "more perfect union." Berkin calls the delegates "middle-aged men of wealth, education, and political experience." As the book progresses, however, the reader comes to know the men much more intimately than simply experienced delegates. Berkin paints a picture of their beliefs, their lives, and their difficulties that shows they were human beings with the same flaws and strengths that most all humans have. As such, their solutions were not always perfect, and they were debated by the states for a year before they were fully ratified, but they were the right solutions to last the country for a long time - much longer than they had originally thought."
Tags:consitutional, delegates, consitution, american, history, independence, philadelphia
Abstract Joseph McCarthy instigated a witch-hunt within American society in search of members of the Communist Party, individuals that he considered as a dangerous threat to the national security of the United States. This paper traces the era of McCarthyism in American politics and shows how it affected political and liberal thought.
From the Paper "Congressionally, most of the members, both conservative and liberal, Republican and Democrat, considered the McCarthy era closed by the late 1950's despite several unpleasant episodes such as the Wherry Resolution (an attempt to stop Truman from sending troops to Europe or anywhere else without congressional approval) and the Bricker Amendment (aimed at preventing the "sellouts" of American interests during international summits like Yalta and Potsdam). As the 1960's came of age, the "Cold War" dragged on and the ramblings of Joe McCarthy faded away and were quickly replaced with the Cuban Missile Crisis and then Vietnam."
Abstract This paper examines why it is so difficult for the president of the United States to pass his domestic policy through Congress. It attempts to show that the composition and bicameralism of Congress, the strong formation of political parties and partisan effects and the prominent wars that have plagued the country all contribute to this difficulty.
From the Paper "When the original 13 colonies declared independence from Great Britain in 1776, it served as an unyielding announcement to the world that they were no longer going to abide by British rule and gave birth to a new and vastly nontraditional form of government. At the time most governmental structures were monarchial based and centralized on strong governmental powers. The framers of the Constitution created a system of checks and balances that would bring to an end to tyranny and fashioned three branches of government, each with its own "mechanisms by which the actions of any single branch could be blocked by either or both of the other branches" (Greenberg and Page 42). Congress, known as the legislative branch, and the president, or executive branch, were given the task of working together to form the laws and policies of the country. As was intended by the framers, it is difficult for these two bodies of government to pass domestics policy agendas due to the pure make up of Congress, the United States as a divided government, times of war, and the system of checks and balances."
Tags: balances, bicameral, checks, consitution, divided, government, legislation, system, war
Abstract This paper studies the woman suffrage movement and the opposition it faced. The paper outlines the changing societal roles and expectation that brought about the campaign to extend the right to vote to women: (1) the perception that the woman's role was exclusively to attend to the family, (2) the perception that extending the right to vote would be a slippery slope and (3) the perception that men were more intelligent -- and therefore better able to cast votes. Next, the paper discusses the leadership and activity of the leaders of the suffrage movement: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. The paper then turns to the actions and involvement of more radical female suffragettes, including Chapman Catt and Maud Wood Park. The paper concludes with an analysis of oppositional forces, and discusses how these forces continue to be echoed among some right wing conservative groups today.
From the Paper "The turn of the century saw the apparition of a new wave of fighters and believers in the women's right to vote. Women like Chapman Catt and Maud Wood Park, not to mention Stanton's daughter, Harriot E. Bleach, used their dedication and commitment to push further the process. Some of them believed that they would have better chances to succeed if they appealed to a certain category of women. Chapman Catt, for example received support from middle-class women, while Lucy Burns or Alice Paul turned to working women and radical movements in their efforts. A subsequent radicalization of the movement followed, with demonstrations and alternative forms of protest, such as chaining oneself to the White House fence . Hunger strikes in jail often followed their arrest."
Abstract This paper explains that James Madison's most amazing political prophecy, contained within the pages of "The Federalist No. 10", was that the size of the United States and its variety of interests could be guaranteed of stability and justice under the new constitution. The author points out that Madison made this prophecy when the accepted opinion among many politicians, such as David Hume, was the opposite. The paper relates that Madison's solution for the class struggle was not to set up an absolute and irresponsible state to regiment society from above but to multiply the deposits of political power in the state itself sufficiently in order to break down the sole dualism of rich and poor, allowing for a guarantee of liberty and security.
From the Paper "Starting with the proposition that "in republican government, the majority, ultimately give the law." Madison then asks, what is to restrain an interesting majority from unjust violations of the minority's rights? Three motives could be claimed to meliorate the selfishness of the majority: first, "prudent regard for their own good, as involved in the general...good" and second, "respect for character" and finally, religiousness. After examining each in its turn Madison concludes that they are but a frail bulwark against a ruthless party."
