Abstract This paper discusses rational and abstract communication in social systems via a review of several articles. It reviews the law model and studies the works and theories of the modernization of the world, of Michel Foucalt, Nancy Love, Niklas Luhmann and John Hagan. The review is conducted through an analysis of several articles written by these famous thinkers. The paper then compares and contrasts these views and reviews where the individual stands in the system.
Outline:
Article Summaries
Michel Foucault: Spaces of Security: The example of the Town. Lecture of 11th January
Michel Foucault: About the Beginning of Hermeneutics of the Self
Nancy Love: Foucault and Habermas on Discourse and Democracy Harro Muller: Luhmann's Systems Theory as a Theory of Modernity
Niklas Luhmann: Differentiation of Society
John Hagan: Parameters of Criminal Prosecution
Niklas Luhmann: "What is the case?"
Linking the articles - Compare and Contrast
Links between Luhmann's Differentiation and Foucault's Example of the Town
Links between Foucault's hermeneutics of the self and Love's Discourse and Democracy Links between Luhmann's differentiation of society and Hagan's study on the criminal court
Links between Luhmann's Differentiation of Society and Love's Discourse and Democracy Links between Luhmann's Differentiation of Society and Foucault's hermeneutics of the self
Examining the Problem
Relate Subjectification to the Systemic Account: Where the Individual Stands in the System
From the Paper "We would now like to analyze this in terms of the legal system. With influence from Hagan's study on criminal court and its influences, we are able to analyze the legal system. In this article, Hagan asserts that there are some connections on final disposition in the trial with the circumstances of the trial such as initial plea, presence of defense counsel, and even to a certain extent race and socio-economic class. These connections may be obscure but they are still real. In knowing that there are connections between these elements of the trial and the final decision, we must realize that the judge and jury's decision is not only based on the facts of the case. There must be some sort of contribution outside of these facts. This contribution is the abstract communications that the jury has unconsciously accepted as social norms and attributed to the case."
Examining the reasons for one party being in power in Russia for several terms, despite the economic depression that has existed since the fall of Communism and the installment of democracy.
Abstract This paper examines the factors that have contributed to the election of the same political party in Russia since the fall of Communism. Russia has been in an economic depression since the fall of the Soviet Union, yet the same party is re-elected through democratic vote. The reasons for this puzzling outcome are discussed in this paper and identified as using democracy to purge the conservative communists of their rank, old elites regaining state control and loyalty of those counting the votes. Each factor is discussed in great detail along with its contribution and impact on the electoral outcome. This paper is ideal for anyone, from a Russian politics expert to a curious novice.
From the Paper "Mikhail Gorbachev, along with the Soviet leaders was the first to introduce semi competitive elections into the USSR and then later Russia. Although elections are a focal point of a democracy, they were not initiated by Gorbachev for this use. "The goal of these elections was to purge the conservative ranks of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) from their positions of power within state structures as a way to liberate these state institutions and thereby make them available as instruments by executing Gorbachev's economic reforms" (McFaul and Petrov, 24). The existing powers of the Soviet Union at the time of the introduction of democracy were all communists, who held high political ranks. In order for Gorbachev to implement his reformation of the economy, these political figures needed to be removed from their ranks, otherwise there would be great opposition to the changes planned. When these leaders were removed, the state organizations were free from communist control and could be used in any way that Gorbachev desired."
Examines the impact that democracy and respect for human rights are having upon the principle of sovereignty on which international relations is based.
Abstract The influence of democracy and respect for human rights on sovereignty is analyzed by their status as international norms, their roles in the recognition of new states and their impact in regards to interventionary practices. Specific and extensive examples are used in each of these dimensions of the analysis. Case studies referred to include Somalia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Nagorno-Karabakh, Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia, Afghanistan, Haiti and East Timor.
Paper Outline:
Democracy Democracy as an International Norm
Democracy and the Recognition of New States
Democracy and Intervention
Democracy Conclusion
Human Rights
Respect for Human Rights as an International Norm
Respect for Human Rights in the Recognition of New States
Humanitarian Intervention
Human Rights Conclusion
From the Paper "The Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, signed in December of 1933, established the criteria that a state must meet as a person of international law: a permanent population; a defined territory; a government; and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. These criteria entail two aspects of sovereignty: an internal one referring to a government's authority over a defined territory and the population within, and an external dimension referring to a state's recognition by other states. Since 1933, however, the international system has undergone many changes: WWII, the rise of the United States, the creation of the United Nations, decolonization, the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet Union, the growth of democracy, the birth of the European Union, and the emergence of an active international community."
Abstract This paper shows how, in his article, "Democracy," Robert D. Putnam quotes from Alexis de Tocqueville's 'Democracy in America', who noted that the key to making American democracy work has been the tendency of Americans to form civic associations. Putnam shows that one way that people can find out about what's going on in their region of America is through the Internet.
From the Paper "This type of information is very important for the citizens of any town to be able to access, Putnam says. He stresses the value of "social capital," that is, the collective value of all social networks, and the way these networks foster reciprocity, trust, information sharing, and cooperation. He writes that the growing disaffection of citizens from their public institutions may be related to a decline in civic engagement, and contrasts with earlier periods when Americans had an abundance of social capital. Putnam says that the way that information flows (such as learning about jobs, learning about candidates running for office, exchanging ideas at college, etc.) depends on social capital."
Abstract This paper suggests that because of the creation of certain institutions of government, Russia is institutionally closer to democracy than it was ten years ago. Its newly structured (some would say deconstructed) economy has generated enough new wealth that its populace will not accept a return to a command economy. But its ability to create a functional democracy that will honor a people's social and civil rights is just as tenuous as it was in 1991 when Boris Yeltsin came to power.
From the Paper "According to the Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th edition, a democracy is a "a philosophy that insists on the right and the capacity of a people, acting either directly or through representatives, to control their institutions for their own purposes. Such a philosophy places a high value on the equality of individuals and would free people as far as possible from restraints not self-imposed. It insists that necessary restraints be imposed only by the consent of the majority and that they conform to the principle of equality." Given this definition of democracy, is Russia any closer to a fully functioning, democratic system of government than it was ten years ago when Boris Yeltsin assumed the presidency?"
Abstract This paper addresses the issue of rapidly diminishing national boundaries in an increasingly globalized community. The author suggests a cosmopolitan model as a possible solution.
From the Paper "Our world is in a continuing state of change. This change is evident on various levels and has harbored itself most prominently in the vessel of political communities. As our global community pushes for a faster, simpler, more efficient way of life, we find ourselves face to face with various nation-states across the globe. We are witnessing the melding together of national communities on an international level as issues continue to break through the confines of national agenda and pose themselves as threats to the vital planetary interest. Globalization has become a major player in today's political forum and the changes it has spurred necessitate a reevaluation of our present democratic system."
Abstract This paper defines the concept of democracy. The paper sums up the history of China, stating that, for the past two millennia, the geographic location now called China has been fought over by a handful of powerful families and tribes trying to gain the strongest hold upon the nation's economy. The paper explains that dynasty upon dynasty was formed, came to power, decayed, and was overthrown through the course of history. The paper contends that until very recently China could be categorized as a feudal nation. The paper explores China's rapid jump from being a feudal nation to a contender for world power with a furiously modern outlook.
From the Paper "Any democratic system for governing a group of people, small or large, must maintain the best interests of all the individuals involved. This general criterion must be upheld regardless of whether specifically what these best interests are cannot be unanimously agreed upon. Ideally, a democracy allows everyone involved an equal voice and vote regarding every decision that concerns that organization. Robert Dahl identifies the five primary components of the ideal democracy: ?1. Effective participation. 2. Equality in voting. 3. Gaining enlightened understanding. 4. Exercising final control over the agenda. 5. Inclusion of adults.? (Dahl 38). Essentially, along every step of the decision-making process each member of this association must have an equal opportunity to voice their opinions, vote, learn about the issues, choose what matters are to be considered, and everyone of age must be involved."
A creative piece on what "might be," using the Iraqi town of Fallujah as the site of a near-contemporary Utopia where art, philosophy, kindness, and responsibility are cornerstones of their new democracy.
6,150 words (approx. 24.6 pages), 0 sources, 2006, $ 144.95
Abstract This paper is a creative work about a young girl, named Ayasha, who is faced with the "Assignment," which for Fallujans is the writing of an essay that marks one's transition into adulthood. In the Fallujan Utopia, one is not considered an adult until one contributes to the "family"--contributes to the Fallujan "Way" or their democracy. One does this by way of writing a suggestion of change so that the Utopian society does not become stagnant, and truly represents the mind of the people. The paper shows how Ayasha speaks to women, both young and old while she is considering what to write for her "Assignment," and the revelations that she has in the process may change Fallujah forever.
From the Paper "In revolution, there is the seed of hope that the Utopian ideal may bloom. In writing this Utopia, my goal was find the potential for Utopian evolution in our world today, thereby giving it agency and immediacy that would be sacrificed if the Utopia were 'elsewhen,' in a place alien to us. In pondering the state of affairs around the world, I came to the conclusion that most Western nations are to too stayed and fixed in their ways for a near contemporary Utopia to arise, barring the unthinkable upset of western democratic nations. In my bias, perhaps, I could not conceive of an America, a Britain, a France, nor a Germany experiencing an Utopian revolution any time in the foreseeable future. I was compelled to search elsewhere. Looking backward in very recent history, I immediately thought of the country of Iraq. Iraq, if things had gone differently, could have very well become an Utopia. Iraq is blessed with all of the prerequisites; an evolved civilization, an ideal location, natural resources, a deeply rooted cultural history, and most importantly, have been recently conquered and/or liberated, which amounts to a revolution. My record of the Iraqian Utopia, therefore, recognizes the allied invasion of Iraq, but more as a national myth than a painful memory."
Tags: arts, communism, democracy, philosophy, revolution, war
Abstract This paper evaluates the meaning and significance of Canadian citizenship to its residents. The author points out that there are a number of challenges to be considered, including cultural diversity and the ability of individuals to accept their citizenship and to expand their role in local communities. The paper stresses that these issues are important to all Canadians.
Abstract This paper briefly examines the four democratic waves that have profoundly re-ordered the global community since the middle nineteenth century. The paper relies in part upon the work of Stanley P. Huntington as well as the work of several other scholars. Among numerous other things, the paper looks closely at the factors that precipitate regime change in societies and succinctly reviews the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan.
From the Paper "As observers pause to reflect on the twentieth century, it seems certain that more and more of them will arrive at the conviction that the twentieth century was the century in which democracy finally won a resounding victory over authoritarianism. With that in mind, this paper will examine the four great democratic "waves" - the last of these still being a work-in-progress - that, beginning in the nineteenth century, ultimately transformed the twentieth. To do this, it is necessary to first look at the work of famed American political scientist, Stanley P. Huntington, for his basic premises shed invaluable light upon the factors that make socio-political revolution possible."
Abstract The paper discusses the United States' direct military interventions and their success rates according to different historical analysts. The paper shows how, although the numbers may not show a decisive success of US foreign policy to promote democracy around the world, they are not showing that the balance is inclined the other way either. The paper concludes that the perfect instrument in fighting dictatorship has not been invented yet.
From the Paper "After the Second World War, the US gained hegemony over the rest of the world nations that decisively contributed to its hegemony in the foreign relations. Its implication in supporting by direct or indirect means became massive and activated on all continents. The most direct way to asses the success of the US in promoting democracy among the state nations is to look at the statistical data and draw conclusions based on facts. But, the implications and the means used by the US along the years are far more complex and sometimes more vague or not yet revealed to the public and therefore conclusions based on statistical results would be accurate in numbers but maybe far reality."
Abstract This paper examines the Communications Decency Act of 1996, arguing that it should be rejected because it represents the hidden agenda of a radical Christian Group, the Christian Coalition. The paper argues that this act would restrict free speech that is protected by the U.S. Constitution and that its primary purpose is to restrict pornography. The paper further argues that the Christian Coalition should be rejected as a whole because it is an extremist organization that would end freedom and democracy as we know it.
Outline
The Communications Decency Act (CDA)should be rejected because it is not a useful piece of legislation.
The CDA will impose radical changes to existing law.
Will impose broad restrictions on speech protected by U.S.
Constitution.
Will give communications providers an open ticket to censorship.
The CDA promotes a hidden agenda created by a radical Christian
group.
The CDA is an attempt to restructure existing laws to reflect the ideas of one specific group.
The CDA is an attempt to impose guidelines on an unregulated form of communication.
Legislation against the America way.
Exposing the Christian Coalition and it's true agenda in proposing the
CDA.
Main purpose of the CDA is restricting pornography.
Will end of free speech in electronic form.
The CDA will criminalize First Amendment protected communications.
Communications deemed "lascivious" or "indecent," in any form will be a crime.
Greater restrictions on pornography will cause censorship in our free
society.
The best of intentions: the worse results in conclusion.
Review of the major issues
Christian extremist views exposed
Will rewrite the First and Fifth Amendments to the Constitution.
Reject the CDA as a whole.
Lack of vision by an extremist organization.
Will end free society, as we know it.
From the Paper "The Communications Decency Act of 1996 (CDA) is going to take your right to free speech and privacy away. This document, signed into law by President Clinton, if upheld by the Supreme Court will completely rewrite free speech laws as we know them (Kniffel 1). Basically, free speech will become a thing of the past. Furthermore, it will give communications providers across a wide spectrum the authority to censor any questionable material that passes through its communications links."
Tags: morality, internet, online, communications, implications, evangelist, pat, robertson
Abstract The paper offers a response to a fixed thematic question involving the impact of globalization's communications on rights of expression, democracy and the ideal of the communications commons that may or may not be aided by the current climate. The paper discusses the 'enclosure' of communication vs. the democratic capability attached to Internet communication. This critical position is taken in view of temporal nature of "All Change;" the need to wait to see what is happening in the political economy in relation to the communications theory.
From the Paper "This paper addresses debate on the enclosure of public communication versus a right to communicate that is seen as essential in our day. As is explained, the solution to a changed realm of communication and its limitation is thought to lie in a guaranteed right to communicate. In an almost sinister way, our day is one in which this right may be impossible to realize, even in developed democratic societies. As Boyle notes, issues of enclosure as opposed to the 'right' to information, knowledge, or communication are now much debated."
Abstract This paper discusses the N.G.O. system Association for Progressive Communication and describes its foundations. The writer looks at how it runs as a service for communicatingdemocracy across the globe at faster rates of communication. Subjects discussed are: media activities, media sources such as books, APC's mission, membership and the issues they address. The writer also discusses within this paper how the press sees this organization, to create an objective opinion outside of the organization and give a clear view on how this institution is run.
Abstract The paper expresses a Marxist view of the ideals of the communication commons, or the right to communicate and offers conceptual guidelines that are not made the more possible by new media. The paper pays attention to the circumstances of globalization and examines systems that have not altered in response to it. The paper is critical of anti-globalization 'movements' and is in favour of examining the situation clearly.
From the Paper "Much has been made of a "communication commons" and the "right to communicate" as aspects of a democratic and egalitarian society (Waisbord & Morris: 2000). However, as this paper demonstrates, both concepts may be only ideals, given the forces of what we now call "Globalization". Free market economics, the rising power of corporations and the traditional relationship between political and capitalist interests, mean that communications are too attached to both commercial and governmental interests. As for the "right to communicate", this ideal is very much weakened by circumstances and proves impossible to uphold in some situations, led by those that pertain to War."
