Abstract
The paper looks at the ideas of Daniel C. Lynch in his article "Dilemmas of Thought Work in Fin de Siecle China", Gordon White in "Riding the Tiger" and Feng Chen in "Rebuilding the Party's Normative Authority." The paper discusses how these writers show that those who anticipated capitalism as the bringer of democracy did not understand the largely administrative but also intellectual role played by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as well as the low expectations of the Chinese regarding the CCP. The paper explains how all three articles show signs of the CCP attempting to show its sovereignty, but is challenged by ordinary Chinese indifference.

Outline:
Introduction
Daniel C. Lynch
Gordon White
Feng Chen
Analysis and Conclusion

From the Paper
"Daniel Lynch reviewed the nature of thought-work in the People's Republic of China (PRC) at the end of the 20th century and explained the failure of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to regain control over thought-work or to build the long promised socialist-spiritual civilization for which the Chinese masses were instructed to be patient, for so very long. Society and culture in the PRC have changed radically since the rise of Chinese capitalism in relation to the forces of Globalization. Gordon White wrote on ideological decay as one price of the Reform Era's economic and social changes, what seemed a mere shift to a mixed economy in 1978 taking on all sorts of mammoth changes through the later 1980s and 1990s to make much CCP ideology irrelevant. Feng Chen referred to the CCP as an institution that was under renovation and which described itself as the proper normative authority. However, as all three agree, the role of the CCP and Beijing has been more and more concerned with ordinary administration and laws and policies serving the all-important business sector."

Tags:capitalism, socialism, government, ideology, poor, indifference

Abstract
Few events in Chinese history have evoked as much controversy as the Hundred Flowers Campaign. The central controversy revolves around the issue of whether it was a genuine attempt to solicit criticism of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), or merely a cynical ploy to expose dissenters, so that they could be ruthlessly dealt with via imprisonment, exile for "re-education" and "reform" to the countryside, or execution. In this essay it will be argued that the Hundred Flowers Campaign was initially a genuine attempt to allow at least a modicum of dissent. However, when it became clear that the floodgates had been opened, the volume of criticism quickly became far more than the authorities - particularly Chairman Mao - were prepared to tolerate.

From the Paper
Topic 6: Was the "Hundred Flowers" Movement of 1957 a Genuine Attempt to Solicit Criticism of the Chinese Communist Party, or a Ploy to Expose Dissenters? Few events in Chinese history have evoked as much controversy as the Hundred Flowers Campaign. The central controversy revolves around the issue of whether it was a genuine attempt to solicit criticism of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), or merely a cynical ploy to expose dissenters, so that they could be ruthlessly dealt with via imprisonment, exile for "re-education" and "reform" to the countryside, or execution. In this essay it will be argued that the Hundred Flowers Campaign was

Tags:china, mao, flowers

Abstract
This essay examines some of the events that took place in China since the middle of the 19th century and that led to the triumph of the Chinese Communist party after World War II. The essay focuses on the factors that led to the failure of the Chinese Nationalist party (Guomindang) to consolidate its support amongst the Chinese people. It also argues that the factors that led to the failure of the Guomindang government to maintain power include strong a nationalist sentiment, the importance of the peasantry and unsolved socio-economic problems.

From the Paper
"The failure of the Chinese Nationalist Party"

Tags:china, 20thcenturyhistory, revolution

Abstract
This paper examines how the analysis of the social foundations of political support is of interest not only to democratic politicians but also to revolutionary leaders. It looks at how although movements such as Mao Tse tung's Chinese Communist Party cannot be considered democratic in the western sense, the Chinese Communists at least prior to 1949 depended upon mobilizing a mass base of support among the population for the movement's continuing survival.

From the Paper
"The analysis of the social foundations of political support is of interest not only to democratic politicians but also to revolutionary leaders. Although movements such as Mao Tse-tung's Chinese Communist Party cannot be considered democratic in the western sense, the Chinese Communists - at least prior to 1949 - depended upon mobilizing a mass base of support among the population for the movement's continuing survival. "

Tags:china, mao, communist

Abstract
In the wake of the intellectual revolution in China, one major political event developed as a result of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917, namely, the rise of the Communist Party, which played a major role in shaping the course of the contemporary history of China. This paper looks at the challenges faced by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Kuomintang (KMT). It examines the influence of Mao Tse Tung and the international influences of Mao and the CCP. The paper includes a full introduction and conclusion.

From the Paper
"Though deeply committed to international communism, Mao and the CCP were national communists at heart and were keenly aware of China's place in the international arena. Most importantly, the Soviet Union promoted China's interests by allowing her to play a major role in the affairs of Asia, one being Peking as the site for the Asian and Australasian Trade Union Conference in 1949. China's relations with other Asian states also reflected her intense drive for leadership in Asia in such countries as Korea and Vietnam. In regard to non-communist states such as India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Burma, Laos and Cambodia, the CCP attempted to neutralize them by expressing a mutual respect for each other's territory and sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in each other's domestic affairs, an equality of relationships and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence."

Tags:asian, Fourth, Red, Army, Stalin, Dr., Sun

Abstract
This paper examines domestic as well as international factors to argue that the CCP is on its last leg. Arguments ranging from ancient cultural facets of Chinese society to increased desire for democracy in the populous (due to the western pop culture influx) bodes badly for the strict communist party.

From the Paper
"Despite the urgency of the aforementioned hindrances, the most general and yet most important amongst the obstacles facing communist China today is the lack of credibility and trust the government has with its citizens. The abovementioned corruption and discord, combined with a tendency to deceive and forcefully repress, causes a lack of confidence in the government: "China ruthlessly maintains a single-party dictatorship ...there is very little wiggle room for critics of the system, and no toleration of advocates of Western-styles freedom and democracy...[and it plays] the "nationalism card" to buttress flagging legitimacy"7. "

Tags:asia, ccp, democracy, japan

From the Paper
"The Chinese Communist Party

Introduction
In the 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, only a handful of formally Communist states are left in the world. Moreover, most of these survivors, such as Cuba and North Korea, have the derelict appearance of societies left stranded by the tides of history. Their systems can no longer credibly claim to be on the vanguard of anything, and their political establishments appear all too likely to unravel in succession crises, a process perhaps already underway in North Korea, and hanging over any prospects of a post-Castro Communist Cuba. Their economies are in a state of slow-motion collapse. From being parts of a global movement, the surviving Communist states have become a collection of rather sad.."

Abstract
This paper explains that, until the 1970s, sinologists and others studied the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) media for clues as to what might be occurring in Mainland China of which there was much conjecture. The author compares the reports from two 1960 CCP media releases, which were prepared for the national Chinese audience by the People's Republic of China (PRC), with what is now known about the terrible Communist planning error in the agricultural sector during the late 1950s and early 1960s. The paper concludes that all media materials from Beijing were expected to be propaganda; therefore, the Chinese public became adept at discerning what really might be happening. The author stresses that this reflective habit is still practiced in the PRC, despite much liberalization of the mass media.

Table of Contents
Introduction
'Go to the First Line of Agriculture!'
'Advance Payment of Wages Every Month Stimulates Enthusiasm of the CCP'
Mao's Famine
Concluding Discussion

From the Paper
"The article seems to fit with a great deal that appeared through the month of September 1960 to do with agricultural gains, work still to be done, the potential for China to become a kind of agrarian paradise, and general applause for the rural laborer. In the article discussed, rural toil is said to be very good for cadres who may still be bureaucrats or people otherwise not yet exposed to the soil. Readers in the cities, or for that matter in Hong Kong or Taiwan or wherever else refugees from the Communist state had fled, had reason to wonder what was meant by the "transfer of large numbers of cadres ..."

Tags:reflective, mao, collective, censorship, planners

Abstract
The modern Chinese history under Mao Zedong is often perceived as a one-dimensional, iron-fisted rule by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) led by Mao. The truth, of course, is not so simple or one-dimensional. It is true that Mao was a larger-than-life figure who was raised to a godlike status through the personality cult built around him. The paper points out that, at the same time, Mao was an incorrigible revolutionary, which in itself ensured that there would never be a dull moment as long as he was in power. Although defying Mao's thoughts in China was a hazardous occupation while he lived, differences of opinion and expression of alternate visions within the CCP about how the country should be governed were not totally absent, even during Mao?s lifetime. This paper examines some of the major policy campaigns launched by the CCP during 1949-1980, the difference of opinion or alternate visions expressed by a few, and the consequences they had to face.

From the Paper
"In order to understand the dynamics of Communist China, it is worthwhile to briefly examine the background of the Communist movement and see how it came to China. China was a formerly great continental empire ruled by a weakened monarchy in the early part of the 20th century. A republican revolution in 1911 brought an end to the monarchic rule but the country remained beset with internal troubles and foreign interference. Japan, with its imperialist ambitions, sought to make China its protectorate, while local warlords in the country all but made a central government, irrelevant. China entered the World War I on the side of the Allies, hoping to halt the Japanese ambitions on its territory, but was badly let down at the Treaty of Versailles. In such a political environment, a group of Chinese intellectuals inspired by the October 1917 Communist revolution in Russia, formed the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1921. Initially, the Communists joined the Kuomintang nationalists (KMT) who led a fight against the warlords to reunify the country."

Tags:occupation, power, revolutionary

Abstract
This paper discusses the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) policy toward women in the 1920s and 1930s and how it evolved over time. The paper specifically discusses the Provisional Constitution of 1931, which was the first document to outline the CCP policy towards women, the Marriage Regulations of 1931, the Marriage Law of April 8th 1934, and CCP policy towards women relating to economic production, as well as why and how these policies were implemented. The paper also looks at how, in spite of the CCP's commitment to pushing forward a radical program for women which would ensure their equality, attention to marriage and land reform regulations was neglected or subordinated to the main task of the military and revolutionary struggle of the Soviets.

From the Paper
"The Marriage Law of April 8th 1934 abolished the regulations of 1931 and differed quite strikingly. For example, instead of the man having to support the woman in cases of divorce like in the Regulations, the marriage law stated that only if a woman lacked the capacity to work or did not have a definite occupation was the man to support her and if the man lacked that capacity then the provision would not occur. Notions surrounding motherhood and parenting seemed to have changed during the three years between these pieces of legislation, in that the woman now, unless she stipulated otherwise was obliged to raise the children. This probably arose out of the need of the CCP who needed men to join the Red Army and so could not have men in the soviets tied down with the responsibility of bringing up children. "

Tags:land, reform, soviet, marriage