Abstract In this paper, it is shown that the elements of liberaldemocracy are not truly present in Iraqi, as the United States is controlling elections and policy made by the Iraqi government. The paper argues that democratizing Iraq will not yield positive results, as the American presence only increases terrorism and the need for the Iraqi people to demand sovereignty of their country. Though an aspect of American imperialism, there is little success in this format of foreign policy in American plans for the Middle East.
From the Paper "This governmental study will analyze the difference between liberal democracies and those imposed democratized American institutions that now reside in Iraq. By divulging the process of government, which is now present in Iraq, one can reveal how the United States holds a greater power of influence in recently ousting past President Saddam Hussein. By understanding the economic and militaristic dominance of America over Iraq, the form of government of both of these countries present their differences in power and issues of sovereignty in development. In this manner, one can understand how democracies cannot be imposed, and that democratization is unsuccessful in the current Iraqi government. The new government of Iraq, since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003, has been a burgeoning republic, which has been being developed through American intervention."
Abstract This essay argues that among the inherent tensions between liberaldemocracy and multiculturalism, the most problematic is the conflict between equality of political rights, which is fundamental to liberaldemocracy, and the notion of collective rights, which is fundamental to multiculturalism. Nonetheless, this tension can be overcome and it is argued that multiculturalism in fact supports some elements of liberaldemocracy such as political participation. In order to clarify this argument, the writer begins with defining multiculturalism, liberaldemocracy and basic principles of liberaldemocracy.
From the Paper "A policy of multiculturalism within a bilingual framework commends itself to the Government as the most suitable means of assuring the cultural freedom of Canadians?"A vigorous policy of multiculturalism will help form"?the base of a society which is based on fair play for all.?? (Pierre Trudeau, 1971 qtd in Multiculturalism and the Government of Canada 1) It has been thirty years since Prime Minister Trudeau announced this multiculturalism policy. During these twenty years, not only Canada, but also other nations that have adopted the policy of multiculturalism have experienced both challenges to and support of multiculturalism from diverse groups. Social issues emerging from multiculturalism have become more and more complex. In nations like Canada, Switzerland, Belgium and Spain, liberal democracy coexists with multiculturalism and questions arise concerning these two principles: how does multiculturalism fit into liberal democratic society? Does the principle of multiculturalism support liberal democracy or undermine it? More specifically, what aspects of multiculturalism affect liberal democracy and how? This essay will argue that among the inherent tensions between liberal democracy and multiculturalism, the most problematic is the conflict between equality of political rights, which is fundamental to liberal democracy, and the notion of collective rights, which is fundamental to multiculturalism. Nonetheless, this tension can be overcome and it will be argued that multiculturalism in fact supports some elements of liberal democracy such as political participation. In order to clarify this argument, I will begin with defining multiculturalism, liberal democracy and basic principles of liberal democracy."
Abstract This paper examines how the existence of the Cold War had many effects on liberal democratic states and also affected to a degree the way in which democracy was, and continues to be, understood in these states. The paper explains that this includes the United States, which in some ways has come to see democracy as a given that more and more people have been willing to give up aspects of a democratic state in the face of a threat, as has been seen in the acquiescence of the people to a variety of intrusions on their democratic rights since 9-11. The paper also discusses how the success of democracy in the Cold War should have solidified that political ideology as to be preferred, but its very success seems to have opened it to new threats from within. In conclusion, the paper shows that more and more, liberaldemocracies are defining themselves in terms of collective security over individual preference, and this signals a profound shift in thought that only makes the future more uncertain.
From the Paper "Schlesinger says that America in the past has stood as an example of a federal, multi-ethnic society that worked, but he seems to believe that this is no longer the case. The U.S. has worked because it has been able to offer answers to the question of what reasons are there for different ethnic groups to see themselves as part of the same nation. Schlesinger now sees an eruption of ethnicity in America, which may have many good consequences, but which he also believes has many bad consequences."
Tags: autonomy, terrorism, politics, America, security, Cold, War
Abstract This paper looks at television. The author argues that television may pose a threat to democracy, by undermining the seriousness of political discourse. Television may serve as an internal contradiction in liberaldemocracy, and thus threaten Francis Fukuyama's vision of liberaldemocracy as the end of history.
From the Paper "It is important to note that culture may drive television, rather than television driving culture. If this is true, then blaming the possible death of culture on televisions is akin to blaming the car for driving into a curb rather than the driver. It is also possible that culture and television feed off each other, with neither providing the driving force. In undermining the seriousness of political discourse in the USA, television may constitute a threat to the future of liberal democracy. Given this, television may also be a threat to the end of History as defined by Fukuyama."
Abstract In this essay, the writer examines theories of liberalism and neo-liberalism in international politics. The writer discusses neo-liberalism as based in liberaldemocracy. The writer identifies limits of both theories. Further, the writer discusses major problems and limitations with each theory.
From the Paper "According to sociologists, market-based economic policies have been institutionalized as a nearly global policy paradigm embodying first liberalism and later neo-liberalism. The purpose of this report is to discuss the theories of liberalism and neo-liberalism in studying international politics and to identify the limitations of these approaches. All such theories in the context of international relations are designed to solve the problems and puzzles of state behavior by offering a causal account of a particular outcome or pattern of behavior in ... "
This paper discusses the principles of liberty, based on Fareed Zakaria's "The Future of Freedom: LiberalDemocracy at Home and Abroad", and includes an in-depth case analysis of Pakistan.
Abstract This paper explains that countries need to follow the whole process of building a liberaldemocracy from beginning to end for there to be true liberty, or a true liberaldemocracy, in that country. The author uses the case study of Pakistan, as compared to England, as an example of Zakaria's theories in action; a country, Pakistan, that has not experienced a history of building liberaldemocracy lacks the understanding necessary to develop vibrant capitalism and a robust democracy. The paper concludes that liberty, in Zakaria's sense, cannot be forced upon a country, however much the U.S. will try in countries, such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, or any of the countries on the "axis of evil".
From the Paper "While the religious parties take to the streets, in an attempt to persuade Pakistani's to join in their jihad against the West, the two large mainstream parties, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) [PML-N] and the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) are cracking, unable to decide where to go, what policies to pursue, disillusioned by the fact that there is no knowing the future in Pakistan. With the moderate opposition silent, the danger remains that public resentment will play into the hands of the Islamic fundamentalists."
Abstract This paper attempts to answer certain questions about America concerning religion, law, liberalism, and democracy and looks at how they intersect in society.
From the Paper "Kathleen M Sullivan undertook an exploration of religion and its intersection with a liberal democracy and commented that the unstated corollary of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the U S Constitution is the affirmative creation of a secular civil order. The creation of such a civil order has, in Sullivan's view, the effect of prohibiting government from coercing, endorsing or even perhaps acknowledging the religious beliefs held by its citizenry. Sullivan states that just as the affirmative right to practice..."
Abstract This paper on political science focuses on the various models of democracy, keeping in mind various scholars and their contribution to this branch. It looks at classical conservatism, classical liberalism, socialism and 20th century liberalism. It also analyzes the present American society in contrast to modern liberalism and highlights the inequality and injustice still happening in a so-called liberal American society.
From the Paper "Socialism is essentially an economic doctrine; the essence of socialism is the advocacy of communal ownership of land and capital. Communal ownership may mean ownership by a democratic state, but cannot be held to include ownership by any state, which is not democratic. Some socialists expect communal ownership to arrive suddenly and completely by a violent revolution, while other expect it to come gradually. Some insist upon the necessity of completeness in the acquisition of land and capital by the state, while others would not mind pockets of private ownership here and there. While all forms of socialism have democracy in common and the abolition, virtual or complete, of the present capitalistic system."
Abstract This paper is a critical appraisal of a January 1, 2005 editorial by the "Toronto Globe and Mail" that shares historian F. Fukuyama's enthusiasm for the inevitability and desirability of a world dominated by a liberal democratic ethos. The author argues that, while liberaldemocracy is preferable to many things, global primacy is not necessarily inevitable. The paper relates that globalization, which is a key component of liberal democratic thought, is not necessarily desirable and that the spread of liberaldemocracy will not necessarily create stronger global cooperation.
From the Paper "Francis Fukuyama's "The End of History" has been sharply criticized in some quarters for painting an overly optimistic view of humanity's current state of affairs. In other quarters, however, Mr. Fukuyama's views have been applauded and staunchly supported by adherents of globalization and of liberal democracy. This paper will examine the viewpoints of one group of supporters - namely the editorial board at Toronto's Globe and Mail Newspaper - and assess how valid their arguments are vis-a-vis Mr. Fukuyama's general thesis."
Abstract In his book, "The End of History and the Last Man", Francis Fukuyama states that, over the past decade, there has been worldwide agreement concerning the validity of liberaldemocracy as this system of government replaced other economic approaches, such as hereditary monarchy, fascism, socialism, and communism. The paper examines forms of government in relation to liberaldemocracy, including democracy within the context of 9/11.
From the Paper "When President Bush declared war against terrorism and decided to go into Iraq, the European nations did not immediately jump on the bandwagon by any means. Europeans complained that the United States was acting like the Lone Ranger in threatening to go to war in Iraq without the approval of the ?world community.? The European position was that the diplomacy of the international community, working through the United Nations, could eventually have handled the Iraq problem without the terrible cost of war. What has occurred in Iraq since then has not helped the situation. If anything, the European countries and the United States are becoming further apart?especially with the increasing strength of the EU. Fukuyama has responded to critics since the September 11 bombing and feels he is still justified in his beliefs. He sees these terrorists as a tiny faction of the Muslim world."
Abstract America is considered to be the greatest achievement in democracy of all time. Although liberaldemocracy has succeeded in the west, it may not have the same outcome in Iraq. This paper shows that due to four specific reasons, liberaldemocracy is not a possible outcome in Iraq. The reasons discussed are: The physical landscape differences between the west and the Middle East; the skepticism of the many other nations and the distrust the Iraqis have of the Americans; the different political culture of Iraq and, finally, the fact that the United States did not finish the job in Afghanistan.
From the Paper "Although Saddam Hussein was an oppressive ruler, he was not the factor standing between the Iraqis and liberal democracy. Although the end of Saddam means more wealth and freedom, the society itself is incompatible with this type of democracy. According to McLean, liberalism is "the belief that it is the aim of politics to preserve individual rights and the maximize freedom of choice" (309). This type of government will not be in place in Iraq."
Abstract This paper discusses how the United States is a nation that has been an active advocate for a democratic form of government. It examines how the author Edward Greenberg provides his readers with some ideas about the contemporary outlook of the democratic political system existing in the society today. It looks at how he believes that the United States does not fulfill the expectations of the three important models of democracy that have been conceived by social and political scientists in their study of democracy-- the Participatory, Liberal- Representative and Pluralist models of democracy. It analyzes whether Greenberg's beliefs are true in the U.S.'s status at present as a democratic nation, or if one of these models actually applies to the form of government the U.S. is currently practicing.
From the Paper "The Participatory Model of Democracy is considered a direct from of democracy, wherein people actively and directly participate in the control and governance of a nation. The Participatory Model of Democracy is characterized as a form of democracy wherein "citizens play an active role in the government through" assemblies and? councils? (American Democracy Online 2003). Further, the Participatory model is best described as the democracy model wherein citizen involvement plays a major role in the control and governance of a nation. The Liberal-Representative Model, meanwhile, is the exercise of democracy by its citizens in an indirect manner. In this model, the citizens play a "passive" role in controlling and governing the nation. Instead, a representative is assigned by the citizenry to serve as the "voice" of the people. This model gives the citizenry the option to oust or vote a representative out of office if the representative proved to be inadequate in representing the citizenry's interest and implementing the form of control and governance the citizens wanted to have."
Abstract This is a critical paper that reviews the industrial revolution's connections between capitalism and democracy, the liberal theory, as inherited by the U.S. Most of the paper moves on to arguments of the present day and the mythology of democracy and neo-liberal economics that is at the heart of what we call "Globalization." The paper includes several interesting references in addition to the course text.
From the Paper "Since the collapse of the Communist bloc in the late 1980s, one has heard more and more slogans of capitalism in relation to democracy. The idea is the capitalism is the form of economic life that people in former socialist states would naturally want and that democracy is the system of government that they have wanted, too. When this theme is examined, one sees a very old set of ideas that have come to have many questions attached to them that pertain to history, as much as to misinformation."
Abstract This paper contends that as Australia is a liberaldemocracy, voluntary voting is desirable. The paper argues this by stating the positive liberal democratic effects that a voluntary voting system would have such as
drastically increasing overall political activity, enhancing the current political system by making it more democratic in nature and the advancement of the fundamental rights of Australia's citizens.
From the Paper "Far from decreasing political activity, voluntary voting would in fact increase political activity. This would be primarily caused by two major effects resulting from people no longer having to vote for the better of multiple parties, but rather only voting when a party shows itself as worthy of the effort. Firstly, parties and party supporters would be forced to become more involved in the local issues of the people and the community in order to motivate the electorate to vote for them. Secondly, campaigning would become just as prominent in safe seats as it is in marginal seats, as the number of votes from safe seats would no longer be guaranteed. When one considers that current party election efforts focus primarily not just on marginal seats but on swinging marginal seats, which make up only 7% of the population, it's obvious that the resulting increase in political activity would be drastic. "
Abstract This paper discusses that liberaldemocracy is probably impossible in China and would not suit polity, or economy, or geography. The writer points out that the public is not as keen on democracy as on a stable, well run state, that allows mixed economy to develop. The paper refers to Lieberthal's five possibilities for the future, suggesting combined system of capitalist activity and the framework and order provided by strong central Party government.
From the Paper "Lieberthal's prognosis for the future involves five possible outcomes. However, this section was written before Globalization had taken the form that is has now, and the unexpected industrial development of China that was given new power by the return of Hong Kong in 1997. The future of China involves debate in all the tendencies that Lieberthal discussed, plus Globalization's record in Asia, the steady shift to a Chinese market economy, institutional change, but also, the pull of what is very old, in a stratifying society that does not expect good government."
