Abstract In this article, the writer looks at the book 'Memoirs of Bernardo Vega', which is an autobiography with the subtitle 'A Contribution to the History of the Puerto Rican Community in New York'. The writer notes that the time of the book is the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. The writer discusses that while the book is called an autobiography, it has little about Vega's life in it and is instead a collection of observations the man made of life in his corner of New York City. The writer maintains that the book is timely today because it has so much information in it about the immigration system then in place, and that many of the issues facing the city then are similar to those raised about immigration today.
From the Paper "As depicted by Vega, these factories had a more complex social structure than an outsider might assume was true. The factory had a committee that raised funds for supplying the revolution in the Antilles. The factory had a press representative whose job was to pass out the workers newspapers from different parts of the country. The workers had lengthy conversations about the issues of the day, which for them centered primarily on revolution in Cuba. Vega was also taken with the life of one of the primary leaders of the revolution, Jose Marti, who raised a great deal of money for the revolution."
From the Paper "Pu Yi, the last Emperor of China, holds a curious place in the annals of history. As the final representative of the Manchu Dynasty, his place is secured in Chinese records as the very undramatic end to the imperial era. Pu Yi's essentially non-existent rule takes on a greater significance only because of post factum interest in the ruler as a person. Pu Yi is "The Last Emperor," the final imperial occupant of the famed Forbidden City, a man whose luxurious lifestyle as a child was replaced by the grey world of the gardener in Mao's Red China.
During the mid 1980s, Bernardo Bertolucci, an Italian film director of international repute and admittedly leftist leanings, sought - and won - permission from the Chinese Communist government to shoot a motion picture about Pu Yi inside China, indeed, inside the Forbidden City. With funding from Columbia..."
Abstract This paper looks at the representation of fascism within the film medium of "1900". The paper looks at how films re-vision historical events and themes through close analysis of the portrayal of fascism in the film. The paper looks at Bertolucci himself, his views and beliefs and whether or not he challenges or advocates historical myths and assumptions.
From the Paper "Bertolucci was born in Parma, Italy in 1940. His father encouraged his love of film, being amongst many things a film critic, and history professor , while his mother, whom Bertolucci described as "the most mysterious person in my life" , played a rather remote role within the family. Bertolucci has created a number of films, many enjoying commercial and critical success. Bertolucci's films often make political comments, furthermore 1900, despite being funded by two major American film companies ironically displays communist sentiment. 1900 re/visions the class struggle between the peasants and the landowners within 75 years of Italian history. This is captured within a four and a half hour long 'epic', exploring the relationship between two boys born on the same day from different class structures and foregrounding the rise of fascism and socialist resistance in Italy. Arguably film is the chief carrier of historical messages , being more accessible than novels or history books. However, film is perhaps the most problematic means of historical representation. Hollywood films attempt to make profit, thus they strive to entertain, win awards, and to a much lesser extent educate. 1900 is not a Hollywood film, and despite having big name actors , the film by no means follows typical Hollywood conventions. Historical films 're/vision' history; they transcend the 'linear, analytic and scientific' , and often move beyond absolute realism. They provide a vision which is subject to the value systems and motives of the filmmaker and the period in which the film was made. Through close examination of 1900, Bertolucci's revisioning of the understanding of Fascism is clearly displayed."
Abstract This paper discusses Shakespeare's use of symbolism in his play "Hamlet" and cites literary critics to support its thesis. While the play is rich with symbolism, the paper explains that the most important symbol is the ghost of Hamlet's father, who makes his appearance near the beginning of the play. The paper details the symbolic significance of the appearance of the ghost and analyzes how it serves as a call to action for the confused young prince, which fuels the action of the rest of the play.
From the Paper "As T.S. Eliot once stated, "Hamlet the character has had an especial temptation for that most dangerous type of critic: the critic with a mind which is naturally of the creative order, but which through some weakness in creative power exercises itself in criticism instead" (Sacred Wood, p 83). As that observation implies, it is not so much that Hamlet cannot make up his mind about the symbolic significance of the ghost and what exactly he should do to avenge his father's death; it is just that he continually second-guesses himself. As Eric Levy suggests, "As a rational animal, a man is one who thinks. But the play problematizes [sic] the proper exercise of thought by which man sustains this identity. In one of the earliest scenes, Bernardo, Francisco, and Marcellus tell Horatio, who at first doubts their word, that they believe they have seen Hamlet's father's ghost. Horatio waits with them for the ghost to reappear. When it does, Horatio asks it "What art thou, that usurps't this time of night" (Act1.1.46). He also tells the ghost, who does look like King Hamlet, to identify himself: "b heaven, I charge thee, speak!" (Act1.1.49)."
Tags: ghost, father, symbolism, horatio, bernardo, francisco
Abstract The paper looks at Machiavelli's "The Prince" and his controversial political teachings that a wise prince should not feel himself bound by morals but should consider the needs of the state. The paper discusses how Machiavelli draws lessons from classical and recent history that are always filtered through his real-world experience. The paper maintains that it is this grounding in real-world historical examples that distinguishes Machiavelli's political guides from that of earlier theorists and supports the continuing validity of his work even in the present day.
From the Paper "In contrast to earlier political philosophers such as Plato or Aristotle, whose political theories are primarily based upon logical argument with "real-world" political illustrations and applications being secondary, Machiavelli's political thinking was profoundly shaped by the lessons of history as filtered through the contemporary political events of his own time. For example, the political battles and intrigues of the Medici family, who dominated Florence through much of Machiavelli's youth, gave him insights into both successful and flawed political strategic thinking. In Machiavelli's The Prince and The Discourses he explores how past and present political events can be viewed as examples that illustrate general political rules or maxims which can guide a leader or prince in political action (Bondanella and Musa 1979). As modern scholars note, this characteristic of Machiavelli's work distinguishes him from earlier philosophers, and grounds his political theory in real-world experience."
