Abstract In 1950, Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswick, and Levinson and Sanford delved into the concept of the authoritarian personality (TAP). Some of their prime assumptions include that those with TAP are submissive to authority and look to them for the definitions of right and wrong; that they are prejudiced towards an out-group, which they consider weak and inferior. The present study is based on these assumptions. An opportune sample of 100 male students of "hard sciences" were given a questionnaire assessing their susceptibility to an authoritarian source of information over that of a non-authoritarian source, along with Rokeach's Dogmatism scale (measuring authoritarianism). No significant correlation was found between the two factors. Although the findings do not support Adorno, et. al.'s assumptions, they provide evidence for forthcoming theories.
From the Paper "Hitler, Mussolini and many other political and national leaders of the 1930-1950 period adopted and pushed authoritarianism as a strong challenge to democracy. Followers flocked to their banners" (Whitten, 1976, p.622). In an attempt to explain this phenomenon, Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswick, Levinson and Sanford (1950, which will be referred to in the text as AFLS) carried out a search for possible roots and causes of the Authoritarian Personality (TAP) type. Starting at the roots of anti-Semitism, it became a psychological study of ethnocentrism based on Freudian Psychodynamic theory. A person with TAP was defined as "a potentially fascistic individual, one whose structure is such as to render him particularly susceptible to anti-democratic propaganda" and these individuals "exhibit numerous characteristics that go together to form a syndrome", Adorno et al (1950, p.1). These were conventionalism, authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, superstition and stereotypy, power and toughness, destructiveness and cynicism, projectivity, concern with sexual goings-on and dogmatism. Some argued that this definition was too limited and too concerned with political opinion, thus defining it as "the desire to impose one's will on others" Ray (1976 cited in Louw-Potgieter (2001), p.78)."
Abstract This paper will discuss the Populist Party in 1892-96 and what sort of platform they chose for their elections in the United States. By observing this party, there will be descriptions on what their stance was for the people they represented in American government.
Abstract This paper studies the Populist Party, founded in 1891, to address the economic depression in the post-Civil War era. The paper begins with an analysis of the party's role in American politics at the time, its social reform agenda, and the influence of William Jennings Bryan, the party's presidential nominee in 1896. Next, the paper tracks Bryan's political career, including another three unsuccessful runs for the presidency. Special attention is paid to Bryan's controversial involvement in the Scopes trial, which the author purports may have led to his untimely death.
From the Paper "Every generation in American history has maintained political characteristics that distinguish it from other eras. Indeed, in light of the terrorist events at the start of this century, contemporary society will likely be remembered as a fiercely patriotic generation that generally supported its President even if there were issues that might have otherwise caused division. Likewise, the Populist Party was a political party that took a prominent part in United States politics during the 1890's. The party resulted from a variety of unsolved abuses, especially the continuing decline in prices of such crops as wheat and cotton. Several small groups of people seeking reforms united to form the party."
Abstract The paper introduces right wing authoritarianism and the authoritarian personality as post-World War II models of social psychology. In the present, these models are taken up again to explain right wing authoritarian prime ministers, as we see that authoritarianism is by no means the preserve of fascist, communist or otherwise non-democratic regimes. The paper provides 10 references with a focus on Adorno's circle.
From the Paper "After the Second World War, social psychologists discussed the authoritarian personality, in an attempt to explain Europe's ultra right-wing Fascist movements and leaders and why millions of people had accepted them, most often referring to Hitler or Mussolini. Theodore Adorno (1903-1969) saw the authoritarian personality as extremely conformist, respectful of authority, intolerant, given to ideals of power and cynical, insecure and rigid stereotypes of others. (Adorno et al: 1950) An authoritarian personality respects rules, rather than taking personal responsibility, as in Adolf Hitler's belief that Nazi persecution of Jews, Gypsies and dissidents was right, for the good of the German people and serving the best interests of Europe at large."
Abstract In today's classroom environment there are many teaching methods and supervision techniques in use. These methods range from the authoritarian approach to the passive approach, providing a wide array of results in academic performance, levels of unacceptable behaviors and overall classroom environments. This paper examines the authoritarian approach to teaching and supervision and discusses the benefits of such a teaching method. Additionally, the paper presents the writer's opinion of why the authoritarian method of supervision is ideal for use in grade school classrooms.
From the Paper "Additionally, the authoritarian teacher emphasizes rules and discipline. Failure to obey those rules is followed by appropriate punishment techniques. While positive reinforcement is certainly used to encourage good behavior, negative reinforcement is often used to discourage inappropriate behaviors. In short, authoritarian supervision of students depends upon the teacher acting as the ultimate authority, providing direction in all classroom activity and making most classroom decisions (Hawley, 1996)."
Abstract This paper examines the work of Thomas Hobbes and suggests that he was an authoritarian political theorist. In particular, the paper examines Hobbes' attitudes vis-a-vis the sweeping powers of a sovereign ruler and his attitudes towards religious toleration. The writer argues that, on both counts, Hobbes' political theory leans towards an authoritarian approach at odds with twenty-first century sensibilities.
From the Paper "It is only fair to suggest that, of all the great Western philosophers of the last four hundred years, Thomas Hobbes is inescapably the least-loved. Much of this, it can be argued, is his own doing. In a modern age that values the primacy of the individual and trumpets the virtues of small government, Hobbes' authoritarian leanings and his belief that the individual must be subjugated to the sovereign power of the state are views understandably ill-received. This paper examines how Hobbes' philosophy practically encourages a zealous monarch to conflate the state's interests with his own personal and selfish ones; moreover, this paper also examines Hobbes' political theories - at least as they are delineated in the Leviathan."
Abstract This paper presents an in depth look at the authoritarian personality types and its defining characteristics. The author examines characteristics such as persuasion, the use of threat, cynicism and obsession with power. Includes details about genetics and environmental influences.
From the Paper "The contempt-respect dichotomy that is the essence of authoritarianism is difficult to observe"it is not often that one sees submissiveness to authority followed immediately by aggressiveness to a subordinate"so the purpose of the current research is to find other ways of identifying individuals with this trait. Among its defining characteristics are submission, aggression, close-mindedness, superstition and stereotypy, fascination with power and authority, cynicism and destructiveness, sexual repression, belief in a dangerous world, and preference for convention. Authoritarians have extremely conservative views, are often racist, respond more strongly to threats than to rewards, and reject those outside of their narrow definition of ?acceptable.? These findings can positively influence the accuracy of an observer's judgments in everyday life, and, in doing so, can facilitate dealing with others."
A discussion of how Janet Lewis's novel, "The Wife of Martin Guerre," illustrates the concept that in an authoritarian society there is no regard for the interests and needs of individuals.
1,204 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 0 sources, 2005, $ 41.95
Abstract This paper discusses how Lewis demonstrates effectively, in her novel, by means of several major characters, such as Monsieur Guerre, Martin Guerre, and Bertrande, how the restrictive nature of the patriarchal system impacts negatively on individuals. It also shows how the clearly defined roles assigned to both women and men led to great difficulties on a personal level, which then have consequences that affect the community as a whole.
From the Paper "The role of men in the authoritarian society of rural France was both a powerful and frustrating one. The character of Monsieur Guerre is used effectively by Lewis to demonstrate the negative effects of the restrictions placed upon the male individual by society. The position of cap d'hostal is an extremely important one in the structure of the society. His supremacy is so complete that any actions not first approved by him are considered illegal, he has a great power over all members of his household and can expect complete obedience from them at all times. However, with this power comes a great burden. He is responsible for the welfare of all those under him, and so he must always act in a manner that will benefit the mesnie as a whole. As a result of this he is allowed little emotional freedom and expression. We can see the effects that the role of cap d'hostal has on the individual in Monsieur Guerre. Although a natural authoritarian figure, Monsieur Guerre harshness is accentuated by the burden of his position. On two occasions we can see the extent to which Monsieur Guerre must go to consider the welfare of his household. The first of these is the bear hunt which a young Marin takes part in. as Martin has not asked permission to go on the hunt; Monsieur Guerre is required to punish him."
Tags: arnaud, authoritarian, bertrande, france, guerre, martin, patriarchal
Abstract This paper evaluates the significance of authoritarian and participative leadership styles in today's society, with an emphasis on theories and other considerations for review. The paper shows that these styles contrast each other in dramatic ways, and that there is a strong need for continuity throughout organizations that possess these styles.
From the Paper "In modern organizations, leaders may adopt a variety of perspectives that guide them through their responsibilities as leaders and experts. It is the responsibility of these leaders to adopt a style that best suits their needs, and that provides support for all organizational objectives. There are a number of theories and concepts that have evolved regarding these leadership styles, and this information offers some answers with respect to why some leadership styles work for some people but not for others. The following discussion will assess the authoritarian and participative leadership styles in greater detail, with an emphasis on theory and practice in modern organizational settings. Leadership styles offer a number of key considerations for thought in modern settings, and with the knowledge in place, there are unlimited opportunities to develop a specific leadership style that will suit an individual's talents and skills."
This paper discuses Joel Beinin's "Workers and Peasants in the Modern Middle East", a modern history of the Middle East from the perspective of the changing peasant and urban artisan classes and the emerging modern working-classes.
1,880 words (approx. 7.5 pages), 0 sources, 2005, $ 60.95
Abstract This paper explains that Joel Beinin's "Workers and Peasants in the Modern Middle East" begins in 1750, which marks the start of modern history for the Middle East because of (1) the rise of autonomous provincial regimes, (2) the expansion of agricultural production and (3) the intensification of links between several parts of the Ottoman Empire and the world capitalist market. The author points out that Beinin argues that industrial manufacturing was introduced to the Middle East as part of a drive to establish modern armies and extend the power of the states. The paper relates that Beinin considers the period after the collapse of global oil prices in 1985-86, when states became unable to provide previously established levels of services, thus creating an economic and moral vacuum, as the beginning of the political Islamic movements of establishing a popular base by offering social services, including education, health care and child care.
From the Paper "During the era of Fordism-Keynesianism many Middle Eastern states pursued policies of populism, nationalist anti-imperialism, state-led economic development, and import-substitution industrialization. Some examples of this post-World War II trend he cites were Muhammad Mossadegh's nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951 and Egypt's nationalization of the Suez Canal Company in 1956. State-led development and import-substitution industrialization were key components of the social policies advanced by Gamal 'Abd al-Nasir in Egypt, the Ba'th in Syria and Iraq and the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) from the 1950s to the 1970s. The political and economic programs of these authoritarian-populist regimes were designated "Arab nationalism" and "Arab socialism" respectively."
Abstract The paper provides an account of Lazaro Cardenas' youth and the situation in Mexico before he came to power. The paper discusses his populist beliefs and how he rose to power and led the country. The paper describes how Cardenas championed the populist-drenched cause of peasants, taking land from the rich and distributing it to the poor. Yet, the paper points out that there are conflicting viewpoints as to his true legacy. The paper concludes that no matter what will be written about him or has already been written about him, he will always remain a key figure in post-revolutionary 20th century Mexico. Certainly, he made life better for many peasants and workers. But his legacy over the long term view of Mexican history is still being debated.
Contents:
Introduction I - Cardenas' Political Evolution and Influence
Introduction II - Cardenas' Seizing of Power and Aspects of his Regime that are Distinctly Populist How Cardenas is Perceived Today
From the Paper "Lazaro Cardenas del Rio was born May 21, 1895, and died of cancer October 19, 1970. According to Wikipedia online dictionary, Cardenas was "born into a lower-middle class family" in the pueblo Jiquilpan, Michoacan, Mexico. He stopped attending grammar school when he was 11 years of age, and provided for his family from age 16 on, due to the death of his father. He worked as a tax collector, a printer's devil and a jail keeper all before he turned 18 years of age.
"He got involved in politics and law enforcement during the period of the Mexican Revolution, after President Francisco Madero was overthrown by Victoriano Huerta. After Plutarco Elias Calles became President, Cardenas, as governor of Michoacan in 1928, "became known for his progressive program of building roads and schools, promoting education, and land reform." He also was known at that time for the "unusually strict honesty" of his governor's administration."
Abstract This paper analyzes the politics of the populist party that can be found within L. Frank Baum's classic novel, "The Wonderful Wizard of Oz." It provides a brief history and correlative analysis of the ideology of the populist party, in order to reveal Baum's influences in writing the plot for the novel. The paper also examines the correlation to Baum's own socialist ties with populist reform in the Midwest.
From the Paper "In conclusion, the involvement of L. Frank Baum in the Populist Party Movement is a major facet of the plot and character structure in his novel: The Wonderful Wizard of Oz. The symbolic use of Dorothy and her companions seeking to find the Great Oz, so that they can free the people is paramount to Baum's own quest to garner better living conditions and governmental regulations on the banks that were closing down and confiscating farms all over the Midwest. In this manner, Baum offers a parable of the Populist Party struggle in the Wizard of Oz, but also provides biographical and societal information about his involvement and propagandistic agenda for writing this classic novel for the turn of the 19th century in America."
Abstract This paper discusses how "The Populist Persuasion" by Michael Kazin is an illuminating and compelling look at populism from both a modern and historical perspective. It examines how his populism was rooted deep in religious and moral underpinnings of the American Revolution and emerges today in the moral populism of George W. Bush. It also shows how the film "All the King's Men", in its portrayal of political corruption provides a dire warning of the dangers that political power brings to the ideology of the populist movement.
From the Paper "However, Bush's populist rhetoric does include a persistent and overriding moral message, in agreement with Kazin's assertion that populism has moved to the right of the political spectrum. Bush and the Republican Party have spoken often and at length about moral issues, in an attempt to garner popular support. Bush has even moved this moral approach to the economic arena by taking a decidedly moral stance against the dubious accounting practices of companies like Enron. Bush has argued for greater accountability and a revision of the ethics that govern large companies. Clearly, this message is meant to garner popular support, and likely does reflect the views of the common people with regards to the recent financial and ethical misbehavior of large corporations in America."
Abstract The paper discusses the Populists party's demands for a currency reform, a graduated federal income tax, a postal savings systems and a sub-treasury which would provide farmers with monetary support. The paper also discusses how the party wished for the government to be the sole owner of the railways, for the direct election of senators, for the United States president to only be allowed to serve one term and for the adoption of the secret ballot. The paper shows how the Populist party was all about the rule of the people; therefore it supported initiative, recall and referendum.
From the Paper "The Populist Party was a political party in the United States in the late 1800s. It was made up of mostly western farmers who were opposed to the gold standard. The Populist Party grew from the Farmer's Alliance which in response to the collapse in agriculture prices after the Panic of 1873, sought to counter this deflation by opposing the gold standard. This was only one of the changes sought after by the Populists in the Ocala Demands, their platform for economic and political reform."
Abstract Edgar Lee Masters was both a poet and essayist. This essay explores his anti-imperialist and populist views but focuses primarily on his poetry. It begins with a short biography and develops views on his writing as well as
providing details about his life, death and epitaph writing style.
