Examines the influence of early anthropologists, such as B. Mallinowski and E. E. Evans-Pritchard, on recent ideas about the anthropologist's role in the field.
Abstract This paper reviews the history of ethnographic field research methodology used by anthropologists, from interviewing travelers to modern immersion into the culture.. The paper points out that B. Mallinowski and E. E. Evans-Pritchard felt that role of the anthropologist is not as a passive observer, detached from the culture which is being studied. Rather, they believed that the field anthropologist should be an active participant whose sole task is to understand the group by becoming part of it. Modern anthropologists, the paper relates, need to engage with the culture they are studying, sometimes even to immerse themselves within it at the temporary cost of their own identity in order to fully experience and understand the culture of the 'other'.
From the Paper "However Oakley's, and in fact any anthropologist's, observation and participation within any culture carries the risk of influencing the behavior of the people are studying, resulting in an artificial vision of their world. In "Anthropology Today", Paul (1953) wrote that the researcher's social role in the field was a determining factor in the information that would be gathered. This is where contemporary researchers seemed to have learned from Malinowski and early anthropologists."
Tags: travelers, expeditions, role, demeanor, other
Abstract This paper addresses the importance of studying human remains, which are arguably the most important evidence that the anthropologist can consider. Inferring the living conditions of the subjects requires anthropologists to compare human remains found in the field with standards established by the enormous body of data from other studies of human remains. The anthropology of human remains reflects social dynamics in an informative fashion, both medical and cultural. The paper addresses evidence found in bones, teeth, and mummified soft tissues, and links it to current findings in medical and cultural anthropology.
This paper provides a critique of three articles: Richa Nagar's "Exploring Methodological Borderlands through Oral Narratives", Faranak Miraftab's "Can You Belly Dance?" and Oyeronke Oyewumi's "Visualizing the Body: Western Theories and African Subjects".
Abstract This critical review comments on the themes, methodological challenges, suggestions and perspectives in the three articles: Nagar's "Exploring Methodological Borderlands through Oral Narratives", Miraftab's "Can you Belly Dance?" and Oyewumi's "Visualizing the Body: Western Theories and African Subjects". The writer maintains that these articles all fall within the tradition of feminist contributions to the re-evaluation of difficult challenges that arise within the fields of social anthropology and ethnography. Each adopts a very different approach, but all are thought-provoking, especially because none of the authors is a typical social anthropologist. The writer concludes that all three articles offer different insights and advice. However, the three are welcome voices, in that they smash the typical stereotype of white, Western, usually male cultural anthropologists.
From the Paper "This traditional situation is subverted by the women researchers in these three articles. For example, Nagar is a young, unmarried woman, from a lower-middle class Hindu family in India, who has affiliations with Western universities, as well as a white boyfriend in the USA. She is multilingual, well educated and a part of the elite in the sense of being globally mobile and funded to do research. In that sense, she is entirely different from the people she researches. On the other hand, when she researches the Asian community of Dar Es Salaam, she has sufficient common ground with some of them - e.g. being Asian, being Hindu, sharing languages, ability to adopt approved clothing styles, such as salwaar kameez, or a sari, depending on context - that she can frequently be accepted by these communities as an insider. This positions her vis-a-vis the communities she studies in an utterly different position than if she had been a white, American man, who quite obviously could not simply don a sari and blend into a social group of Asians in Dar es Salaam! This unusual situation on the one hand puts her in a much less powerful - for example, the American male would probably not be sexually propositioned by an interviewee. However, her entree into these communities must surely enable her to gain more understanding of the communities."
Tags:anthropologist, communities, culture, western
Abstract The paper shows that though it is impossible to determine why exactly Indonesia, at least for the past two generations, has seemingly laid an irresistible spell on the anthropological world, it is possible to suggest some of the reasons. This paper examines the corner of the state of anthropological practice and theory as they pertain to Indonesia and how these have created intimate links between symbolic anthropology and Indonesian ethnography. The paper discusses how many fine ethnographies have been produced as a direct result of anthropologists? theoretical and paradigmatic interest in Indonesia, of the fact both that anthropological discourse can be seen as a subset of human imaginings and as a result of the fact that some places seem to be better to dream in. The paper examines Tania Murray Li's article "Compromising Power: Development, Culture and Rule in Indonesia" in Volume 13, No. 3 of Cultural Anthropology, on the subject.
From the Paper "Indonesia ? with its own contentious colonial history ? was an ideal setting if one wished to make sense of the role and evolution of cultures in a world in which colonial structures were falling away. Indonesia had at least three other additional inducements for at least American and British anthropologists: Their own countries had not been involved in the colonization of Indonesia so they did not have to feel any guilt over what they found; unlike many "primitive" cultures, Indonesia societies (for of course this island nation is home to a number of very different cultural groups) are home to not only sophisticated performing and visual arts but also nuanced and complex literary traditions and a history of beautifully proportioned and ingeniously constructed architecture."
Abstract This paper explores anthropologist Elisabeth Burgos-Debray description of the Guatemalan women, Rigoberta Menchu , who describes her Indian peasant life to the author. The paper exhibits the relationship between life and the larger political struggles taking place across Guatemala and Latin America as a whole. It also describes the Civil war in this country and the persecution of Rigoberta Menchu 's family by the national security forces.
From the Paper "The Indians constitute the majority in Guatemala, which differentiates their situation from that of most countries in Latin America where the Indians are a minority without even the most elementary rights. Still, a white minority has the power in Guatemala, and it seems likely that the fact that the majority Indians are divided into 22 different ethnic groups may have contributed to their largely powerless position in their society. Rigoberta wishes to change this situation, and this one woman is not fighting for a mythical Indian past but is instead seeking to play a part in the shaping of contemporary history (Burgos-Debray, 1983), xiii). The world into which this woman was born is a world where the people live in a subsistence economy, working the land for others and moving from place to place as they follow the work through the seasons. This is also a world at war, with Guatemala in the grips of a civil war for more than 30 years. This war affected Rigoberta directly as her father, mother, and younger brother were tortured and killed by the Guatemalan security forces that have been persecuting the peasantry."
Abstract This paper compares and contrasts two studies by anthropologist Elizabeth Marshall Thomas author of "The Harmless People" (1989, Vintage Books/Division of Random House Inc., New York) and Tim O'Meara author of "Samoan Planters: Tradition and Economic Development in Polynesia" (1990, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.) in terms of how they conducted their research.
From the Paper "Anthropological study no doubt is complex and it is even more complex when one want to study how external forces like globalization and development influence primitive civilizations. The emergence of a new nation takes a long time to detect and only one who is fluent in the local culture can sense a difference. Two anthropologists Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, author of "The Harmless People" [1989] and Tim O'Meara author of "Samoan Planters: Tradition and Economic Development in Polynesia" (1990) have attempted to do the most difficult task of depicting the cultures under their study in print. Thomas, proud studier of the Kalahari Desert Bushmen, based her study on their cultures, tradition and how they came about to accepting globalization and development prevalent in other parts of Africa. Similarly, O?Meara took to the task of investigating the people of Samoa, a state independent since 1901. "
Abstract This paper discusses the book, "The Meanings of Macho: Being a Man in Mexico City" by anthropologist Matthew Gutmann. The paper presents Gutmann's theory that the stereotype of the Macho Man is merely an image that distorts the truth and renders the society incapable of helping the Mexican society change. The paper provides a chapter by chapter summary and a critical review of the book.
From the Paper "Matthew Gutmann is an anthropologist who writes books turning his experiences and knowledge into phrases that teach a lesson that cannot be ignored. As a Professor of Anthropology at Brown University he is familiar with the gender bias inherent in society and it is this gender role that he discusses in his books. Before writing The Meanings of Macho: Being a Man in Mexico City, Gutmann lived for a year in the town of Colonia Santo Domingo. His reason for staying there was that he wanted to experience first hand the community culture and norm so as to understand the social dynamics that created the 'Macho Man'."
Abstract The life and career of the anthropoligist. The status she received in the field of anthropology. Controversy over her data and research in Samoa. Her field trips. Her theories of adolescence based on her work with primitive women in Samoa. Other fieldwork. Her careers as anthropologist, museum curator, University teacher, writer, lecturer.
From the Paper "MARGARET MEAD
Born on December 16, 1901, Margaret Mead became one of the world's leading anthropologists, and her fame became worldwide with the publication of her book "Coming of Age in Samoa". However, despite the good reviews the book received, and the status she achieved in the field of Anthropology, her career was beset in later years with controversy over her data and research in Samoa.
In 1925, she went on "her first field trip, to undertake a 'study in heredity and environment based on an investigation of the phenomenon of adolescence among primitive and civilized peoples.' Her task, as she described it, would 'involve working almost entirely with women, and should therefore add appreciably to our ethnological information on the subject of primitive women.'" (Howard 1995 1)"
Abstract This paper examines several recent major theories concerning the assimilation of the Native American Western Plains tribes in the period known as "prehistory", with an emphasis on how the perceptions of the anthropologist affect the overall study of the tribes.
Abstract Examines some of the guiding principles of studying a culture in a holistic and analytic fashion. Discusses the work and thought of anthropologists Malinowski and Levi-Strauss. Uses their concepts.
From the Paper "For the anthropologist, everything in the end comes back to a single question: What is culture? And how are we ever to understand the culture of another people, how are we to grasp both the complex whole that defines the symbolic and behavior..."
Abstract Examines Clifford Geertz's theory of symbolism and Bronislaw Malinowski's theory of functionalism. Discusses the different backgrounds and approaches of both anthropologists. Considers Malinowski's field work in New Guinea, 1915-1918.
From the Paper "Clifford Geertz and Bronislaw Malinowski represent two very different views on the role of the anthropologist. The difference lies in their definition of culture, Geertz favoring symbolism and Malinowski favoring functionalism. This leads to different ..."
Abstract Two anthropologists present their ethnographic studies in their books, "Amazon Journey", by Dennis Werner, and "To the Mountain and Back", by Jody Glittenberg. The paper explains how the two show different interests, have different methods, and come to different conclusions about the subjects they study. The paper discusses how Werner describes the Amazonian Indians, while Glittenberg presents her study on the native tribes of Guatemala, especially the Ladino and the Cakchiquel Mayan Indian.
From the Paper "Both ethnologists enter the society and observe, but Glittenberg makes herself more of a participant than does Werner, raising the question of how much her participation affected the subjects and so how much her own involvement in the culture changed what she was observing even as she observed it. Werner was also in the culture he observed, but he observed more than participated, observing to such an extent that he did not even want to hear stories directly from the source. Glittenberg is open about this, even asking certain questions at the outset about how much one can learn by observing. She says that fieldworkers give a general description of a culture, while what she wants to know is answers to questions about family formation."
This paper compares the research methodology used by anthropologists Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, who studied Kalahari Desert Bushmen, and Tim O'Meara, who studied Samoan planters.
Abstract This paper related that Elizabeth Marshall Thomas, author of "The Harmless People" (1989), and Tim O'Meara, author of "Samoan Planters: Tradition and Economic Development in Polynesia" (1990), used simple anthropological research methodology to study the influence of external forces like globalization and development on primitive civilizations, such as the Kalahari Desert Bushmen and the Samoan planters. The author points out that both anthropologists situated themselves in the community being studied. O'Meara mixed with the local Samoan farmers to learn how they behave and interact, whereas, Thomas relied only on her observations of the Bushmen. The paper relates that O'Meara's method, limited by his research question, focused on developmental stages rather than on how people evolved; on the other hand, Thomas concentrated on the outcome of her subjects' ways of living.
From the Paper "Taking each day at a time, he had been able to relate with the locals at a personal level. He encountered their personal life by mixing with the male members of society. For example, he learned why the male considered it illicit to meet with their sisters. The Samoan men were proud of their ability to deflower virgins but it was injurious to their family pride if their females were subjected to such conduct. O'Meara hence depended on mixing with the locals to learn how they behave and how they interact."
This paper uses movement analysis to evaluate the ethnographic film "Trobriand Cricket" (1973) by anthropologist Jerry W. Leach and filmmaker Gary Kildea.
Abstract This paper explains that, in the film "Trobriand Cricket: An Ingenious Response to Colonialism", made in 1973 by anthropologist Jerry W. Leach and filmmaker Gary Kildea, the film narrative is devoted primarily to the historical context of the cricket game in the Trobriands, providing an illustration of some of the processes of cultural diffusion. The author points out that movement analysis, which focuses on some of the visible aspects of ethnographic films that are often left unrecognized in the film narrative, results in a more profound ethnological appreciation of its contents and is especially valuable for films that focus intentionally on cultural performance. The paper concludes that (1) "Trobriand Cricket" has severe constraints concerning the anthropological "statement" made by the film and (2) movement analysis may yield valuable insight in the initial stages of understanding performance.
From the Paper "The cultural interpretation of any performance--no matter how transparently the performance is represented to the observer (as it is so effectively in ethnographic film)-relies on the kind of close observation that organizes several details of performance into a system. It is not simply growing and shrinking that are at issue in the Trobriand design, not simply linear formations that are at stake in the British style. The relationship of those features to other features, the relationship of growing and shrinking to force and speed and clusters of bodies, the relationship of lines to individual bodies and to a stabilizing energy field bring out distinctive patterns. The value of movement analysis lies in its ability to construct an articulate representation of particular and even peculiar performances in terms of the very general features that all movement processes share so that various patterns of association can be traced throughout the action of a given culture and between performances of various cultures. A system like LMA can abstract principles of conduct and can represent them accurately in their full complexity and peculiarity."
Abstract This paper presents an examination of how Beverly Newbold Chinas, the anthropologist-narrator of "La Zandunga" came to understand the Zapotec culture in Mexico during the 1960s. The paper examines how what she learned in her field work differed from classroom experience.
Tags: Mexico, anthropology, cultural barriers, friendship, women, marketplace
