Abstract This essay discusses how Roosevelt's New Deal soothed the worst effects of the Great Depression. In many respects, the program could be said to have been so radical that it bordered on the revolutionary.
Abstract In this article the writer discusses that the rejection by America of the traditional sense of dependence, through patriarchal systems on a legal and social level coupled with other issues, may also have been said to predispose the nation to an early sense of citizenship for slaves and eventually women. The writer examines how radical the American Revolution was and notes that, though fights for equality of human rights were not won easily or without resistance, it was still America who led the way in the western world for universal suffrage among women and blacks. The writer concludes that a reasonable argument could be made that the people in this newly formed country had a generational memory of what it was like to be dependant and without voice, and therefore were inclined to eventually break with tradition and allow the un-propertied men, women and freed slaves the right to vote.
From the Paper "Another issue that was clearly radical, on the part of the Americans was their desire and real attempt to create allies among other European countries, in the very least to find out how other European countries viewed the American rebellion. To most this would seem a concerted effort on the part of the Americans to create early attempts at diplomacy, as if they were acting as an independent nation already. In the end these early attempts at independent diplomacy, a radical notion in and of itself retained foreign aide from France, despite its early misgivings."
Abstract This essay examines the implications of the National Assembly, the internal and external military action, conditions in Paris and economic and social injustices which culminated in the radicalization of the French Revolution. It looks at the various stages of the Revolution and gives an historical overview of the events that led up to it as well as the revolution itself.
The French Revolution radicalized in 1793 as the revolutionary masses attempted to change their political power and overcome what they perceived as economic and social injustices. This radicalization occurred foremost as a reaction to counter-revolutionary forces which pushed the radical revolutionaries into action to preserve the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity.
From the Paper "By 1793 the French Revolution had established the principles of equality before the law, the sovereignty of nation and representative institutions and introduced changes in political and social institutions. Roger price refers to this first stage as the "creative" phase. However, in 1793 the Convention voted for the execution of the king, marking a break with the past and the revolution radicalised and the reign of terror began. Eric Hobsbawm states that the French Revolution was "a mass social revolution and immeasurably more radical than any comparable upheaval". The violent radicalisation of 1973 was not from "Enlightenment theorising" but from the pressures from internal and external wars and "the related twin political forces unleashed by the Revolution itself, popular radicalism and elite counter-revolution". The interaction between the revolution and counter-revolution forces provided the pressure which radicalised the French Revolution in 1793."
Tags: france, radicalization, 1973, enlightenment, counter, war
Abstract This paper explains that realism, liberalism, and radicalism assert that the state should promote the best interests of a specific group above all else: For realists, the interests of the state are paramount; for liberals, individual and, for radicals, the interests of the majority should be promoted above both the interests of the state and the interests of individuals. The author points out that the differences dictate the way war is viewed: For realists, war is necessary when it is in the best interests of the state; for liberals, war is never in the best interests of the individual and, for radicals, international war is usually not in the best interests of the majority, but civil war in the form of violent revolution is very much in the majority's interests. The paper concludes that the best ways of engaging in or avoiding international conflict can be deduced from each of these general principles.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Realism
Liberalism
Radicalism Conclusion
From the Paper "According to the realist view, war is caused when two or more nation-states compete for the same resources. These resources may be of any sort. If all of the nations involved are pursuing their own interests, a conflict-possibly a violent conflict-will inevitably result. When this occurs, it is the state's obligation to fight the war in whatever manner is in the state's best interests. This could involve devoting all of the state's resources to the war, or saving some resources on reserve if a drawn-out war is expected. When it is no longer in the state's best interests to fight the war, it must surrender or use another method for the cessation of hostility."
Abstract A review of Wood's book, which covers the American Revolution and the radical thought that led up to American independence. It explains how Wood indicates where the Americans began to break with the British and how radical thought was common in free Britain, so it is no surprise that American Colonials would continue this type of thought in the New World. It shows how Wood's theories differ from straight history because he looks at the social and economic factors that helped leaders look, first, toward a new Republic and then toward a more radical democracy.
From the Paper "The author breaks the book down into three main sections that logically follow the steps of the revolution: Monarchy, Republicanism, and Democracy. Within this framework, the author illustrates the differing stages in the American thought process, from breaking with the monarchy, to creating a workable Republic, to finally a democracy that was created for equality for all. Wood's research shows that at this time in American history, Americans were extremely open to change, and they were accepting of anyone who wanted to live in the country. Wood writes, "The truth was, said Thomas Paine in Common Sense, that Americans were the most cosmopolitan people in the world. They surmounted all local prejudices. They regarded everyone from different nations as their countryman" (Wood 223). He feels the ideals Americans used to create their new government may seem "commonplace" today, but at the time they were "momentously radical" at the time (Wood ix). The author uses a variety of research and evidence to reach his conclusions, from papers and books to library research and peer-reviewed journals and thesis. It is clear the author used every available resource to conduct his study, and wanted this book to represent the most exhaustive research on this topic, so there would be no questioning of his results."
Abstract This paper details how realism, liberalism and radicalism systems hold certain social, political and economic principles which result in each system taking a specific stand on international relations. This paper details the history of each system and contends that for realists the interests of the state are paramount, while liberals hold that individual interests are more important that the interests of the state and that radicalism views the interests of the majority.
Topics covered in this paper include:
Introduction
Realism
Liberalism
Radicalism Conclusion
Bibliography
From the Paper "Since Marx there have been several different versions of radicalism, usually termed revisionist ideologies. In particular, some have argued that violent revolution is not necessary to establish socialism. The alternative is a gradual reform of the existing government. This view is less radical in the strict sense of the word, but with regard to political systems 'radicalism' can more generally refer to any system which requires large-scale change of the existing national infrastructure."
Tags: politics, war, history, theory, philosophy, karl, marx, marxism, socialism
Abstract This paper explains that community organizer and political activist Saul Alinsky's "Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals"(1971) contains concepts of organizing the masses, action, tactics and communication by means of mutual understanding. The author lists Alinsky's rules for social change as they relate to the profession of social work, which is inextricably intertwined with social reform. The paper states that the author, who is Latino, the largest minority in the U.S., during moments of feeling powerless and helpless, feels the importance of serving as an advocate for this at-risk population as suggested by this book.
From the Paper "Alinsky's in-depth description of how to go about mass organization was truly motivating for me as I related his teachings to my passion and the current "hot topic" of immigration reform. You made a comment in class one day that has stuck with me and made me reevaluate my role/support of this campaign. You said that a successful movement could not exist without a captivating "Hearts and Minds" campaign. Subsequent viewings of the news and other political hype made me realize that proponents of this issue are all over the board. If I was not as informed on this topic as I currently am, I would have no idea what organizers were trying to present to me. Amnesty for undocumented workers? Citizenship? Workers' rights? Mass deportation? What does it all mean?"
Abstract "This paper examines "The Radicalism of the American Revolution" in which historian Gordon Wood argues convincingly that the American Revolution was a radical event, and provides solid evidence to support this assertion. The writer argues in favor of his approach, as he argues that the patriot leaders recognized that the social, political, and economic bonds uniting the colonies with Great Britain had to be severed completely and permanently, on the basis of their shared radical belief that hereditary monarchy was doomed and their determination to establish a new nation governed by the people through their elected representatives.
From the Paper "The American Revolution: A Radical Event In The Radicalism of the American Revolution, historian Gordon Wood argues convincingly that the American Revolution was a radical event, and provides solid evidence to support this assertion. I agree with his assessment, for the patriot leaders recognized that the social, political, and economic bonds uniting the colonies with Great Britain had to be severed completely and permanently, on the basis of their shared radical belief that hereditary monarchy was doomed and their determination to establish a new nation governed by the people through their elected representatives. The publication in 1776 of Thomas Paine's Common Sense, which immediately sold more than one-hundred and fifty thousand copies, confirms that radical political sentiments were pervasive throughout the thirteen colonies. "
Abstract Contends that the Revolution was uncompromising and radical. Radicalism based on a full and complete severing of any formal governmental relationship with England. Belief that Americans should control their own destinies. British Colonial rule; taxes and restraints. Social mobility and rising middle class of the American Colony. Ideas of the Revolutionary leaders.
From the Paper "The Radicalism of the American Revolution
Introduction
One of the more intriguing questions in the field of American history is this: How "radical" was the American Revolution? Historian George Wood believes that the true radicalism of the American Revolution lay in its destruction of an older hierarchical order, i.e., the monarchy, and the development of an entirely new set of normative social relationships that were not primarily dependency relationships, with people tied together by patronage, blood, and kinship.. With few exceptions, Wood was for many years alone in his belief that the American Revolution was a very radical revolution indeed; many other historians saw the Revolution as an essentially conservative rejection not of monarchy per se, but of the ..."
The radical and revolutionary society of 18th and 19th century America, as described in "The Jungle" by Upton Sinclair and "Coming of Age in Mississippi" by Anne Moody.
Abstract This paper reviews American history from the perspective that the society was radical and revolutionary, by focusing on the the works "The Jungle" and "Coming of Age in Mississippi". It shows how radical reform and revolutionary ideas are at the very foundation of freedom in America, and how this tradition of freedom of speech and rebellion has continued from 1865 onwards.
From the Paper "In 1865, the nation had just lived through a Civil War that divided the nation, families, and races. Now, America was ready to move on, but there were still issues dividing the nation ? issues that would continue to foster revolution and radicalism, and bring out the best and worst in the people of the United States. After the Civil War, "Reconstruction" began in the South, and Northerners, called "carpetbaggers," swarmed in. Most of them hoped to take advantage of the South's surrender and weakness, while furthering their own moneymaking goals. The politicians and carpetbaggers were only interested in making money, and corruption flourished. All this did was create animosity in the South. he beaten southerners blamed the newly freed blacks for their troubles, and if the blacks had it bad before the Civil War, it was no better after. They still worked for meager or no wages, while living in run-down shacks on the plantations of their former owners. Only now, they had to fend for themselves, and many of them had no idea how to take care of themselves, or earn a living. Persecution of blacks has continued in the South since the Civil War, eventually leading up to the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s."
Tags: civil, war, plantation, slavery, rights, freedom
Abstract Niccolo Machiavelli is often credited with either advocating republicanism or despotism. This paper argues that he was first and foremost advocating radical revolution for a potential Italian state. By comparing Machiavelli's writings in "The Discourses" and "The Prince" with the works of Max Weber, Freidrich Nietzshe, Vladimir Lenin and Napoleon Bonaparte, this paper displays the radicalism advocated in his 16th century works. Furthermore, it links an important level of influence between Machiavelli and the aforementioned authors.
From the Paper "The creation of a nation-state is the first obstacle in implementing Machiavelli's next more explicit goal, the end of reliance upon foreign mercenaries. As implied, only an Italian state could provide the resources needed to field the manpower requirement to shift from mercenaries to citizen-militias. Machiavelli's ideas about the utility, and experience during the Florentine Republic, of implementing citizen-militia armies was a relatively new notion in Europe. While a shift from medieval knightly warfare began to occur across the continent prior to Machiavelli's writings, the contemporary idea of an entirely conscripted citizen-militias appears to be relatively original. Machiavelli's assumptions seemed logical after his observation of the contemporary Italian situation in which mercenary armies have so defined peninsular warfare. These armies were treated as independent actors and therefore developed new customary rules of engagement. This left the peninsula at a severe disadvantage when it encountered the armies of the other European nation states."
Abstract In this article, the writer discusses the subject of radical individualism, looking at 'American Democracy in Peril: Seven Challenges to America's Future' by William Hudson and other sources. The writer discusses how
Hudson espouses a viewpoint that turns what most people think is right with America, that is its individualism, and makes it a lethal weapon to the democracy Americans also say they support. The writer describes that for Hudson and Stivers and other writers of distinction about the American experiment, individualism without corresponding community, at times is a prescription for disaster. The writer contends that radical individualism, as practiced in modern America, is isolating and depressing, hollow and waiting to be filled.
Table of Contents:
The Argument for a Constitutional Monarchy
Collectivism vs. Community
Conclusion
From the Paper "Hudson went much further back than that in proposing that Radical Individualism was at cause for the slow destruction of the American experiment, and that the problem could be traced to the very founding of the nation, although modern factors such as the media were certainly culpable as well. But at base, it is not a 'thing' that is to blame, but adherence to a concept all too easily pushed to an unworkable extreme. Myers called the current expression of the excesses noted by Hudson a "social recession."
Hudson called it a Pathological Politics of Rights and Interests. Although Hudson is at pains to trace the problem to the very foundations of the nation and before, certainly the pathological 'rightism' that has been increasing for several decades is a prime factor in making the U.S. democracy unworkable."
Abstract Radical Behavior Therapy (RBT) in correctional settings involves a shift from past-focused approaches geared to finding the origins of criminality, often in adverse early experiences. This paper responds to two set questions involving the controversial subject of Radical Behavior Therapy as pioneered in prison populations.
From the Paper "Proponents of RBT for criminal populations emphasize modification of patients' behaviors and attitudes as an effective 'shortcut' in exercises making the offender aware of how his or her responses or actions do interfere with cooperative adjustment to settings, away from the correctional facility. For instance, the emphasis placed on Anger Management can, at least, help the offender to see how uncontrolled anger affects interactions with others, produces reactions unacceptable to others, or that endanger them, and that by learning methods of coping with the temper that other positive shifts can be expected."
Abstract The paper explains that individuals and groups use civil disobedience to protest a wide range of issues raging from environmental pollution to political or social corruption. The paper looks at the activities of the Toronto faction of the Radical Cheerleaders during the anti-FTAA (Free Trade of the Americas Act) protests in Quebec City. The paper shows how the radical cheerleaders displayed a combination of reactionary and revolutionary characteristics.
From the Paper "People all have interests and opinions. Groups of people and individuals tend to show a wide range of interests and opinions. In society some of these people's interests and opinions will receive a great deal of attention while others will be ignored or suppressed. People that do not have their interests meet or their opinions heard usually have to rely on alternative methods to make their voices heard. One of the more common ways is civil disobedience. Civil disobedience is defined as, "refusal to obey governmental commands especially as a nonviolent means of protest"(Anonymous 96)."
Tags: civil, disobedience, anti-FTAA, protests, Avant-garde, activist, art
