Abstract It is very clear that nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada. While Quebec remains a province of federal Canada, the question of seceding from Canada and becoming an independent country is never far from the agenda of most politicians in Quebec, and generates immense patriotic fervor throughout Quebec. This factor makes Quebec entirely different from other Canadian provinces. For example, we never hear talk of British Columbia seceding from Canada and becoming the Republic of British Columbia. In order to understand this peculiar situation, this paper investigates Canada's past and, specifically, the history of Quebec with Canada.
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to examine some of the major characteristics both historical and modern of the nationalist movement in Quebec. The writer points out that while it is true that Quebecnationalism could be traced all the way back to the late eighteenth century it is more accurate to say that Quebecnationalism is a product of the 1960s and subsequent decades when the appropriate political came to power in Quebec.
From the Paper "If ever there was a modern case of the conflict and confusion that can be brought on by nationalist movements, then Quebec is that example. Nationalism in Quebec has been at near fever pitch since the 1960s, though the urgency associated with the political movement has died down somewhat in recent years. Nevertheless, Quebec nationalism is part of a long political and cultural tradition that traces its roots back to the English takeover of French Canada in 1759. Since that time, the francophone population in Quebec has quietly (and not so quietly) nursed its resentment of the control the English have over them."
Abstract The purpose of this study is to provide an overarching examination of not only the historical evolution of Quebecnationalism but also the implications that this nationalist fervor has for the future of federalism in Canada and the possibility of an independent Quebecnation. The writer notes that nationalism in Quebec is part of a long political, social, and cultural tradition.
From the Paper "In the span of the twentieth century, Canada as a nation has witnessed and endured any number of historical events that have had a profound influence and impact on Canadian society. Leaders came and went; social policies were enacted; traditional conservatism was replaced with neo-conservatism. Arguably, though, one of the greatest and most consistent forces in twentieth century Canadian politics has been the rising authority of Quebec nationalism and the threat it represents to a cohesive Canadian federalism."
Abstract The paper argues that the impact of the Quiet Revolution on Quebec's relations with the rest of Canada was profound and so worthy of the term "revolution." The paper explains that not only did Quebec shake off the bonds of clerico-conservatism, but it also embraced neo-liberalism and at the same time discovered a new identity and a new nationalism. The paper shows, therefore, how the Quiet Revolution laid the foundations for the separate identity of Quebec.
From the Paper "In contemporary Canadian politics, the threat of Quebec's separation from the rest of Canada is ever-present. Moreover, most Canadians know enough history to be aware that Quebec's historical roots lie in military defeat of the French by the British. In the 18th century, Quebec was called Canada, and was part of the colonial empire of New France (Neatby, 2004). However, Britain conquered France in the Seven Years War, and then transferred the colony to British possession in terms of the 1763 Treaty of Paris. The vast majority of Quebecers were French Roman Catholics, and their loyalty to the British Crown was seriously in question (Moogk, 2000). This is the part of the history of Quebec that most Canadians are familiar with, and thus most of us do not find it strange that there is an ever-present threat of Quebec separating from the rest of Canada."
Tags: neo-liberalism, nationalism, church, state, language
A look at the problem relationship between Quebec and Canada and a suggestion on what needs to happen before Quebec's national aspirations can be satisfied within Canada.
2,400 words (approx. 9.6 pages), 8 sources, 1999, $ 73.95
From the Paper "Canada and Quebec have always been in conflict from the confederation of 1867 to the Supreme Court judgment on the secession of Quebec in 1998. Quebec faces several challenges in terms of constitutional relations with the rest of Canada. Fundamentally at the roots of the unity problem lies Quebec's desire for special status ? to preserve and protect its culture and language ? and Canada's refusal to acknowledge Quebec as une province et un peuple pas comme les autres, as a distinct society. Unless Canada is willing to acknowledge Quebec's distinctiveness, Canada's relationship with Quebec will remain problematic and unsolved: but there is hope. By learning from the lessons of the past, Canadians can help articulate their future. It is important to see the Meech and Charlottetown accords not as failures but as learning experiences. It must also be comprehended that Quebec cannot be accorded its wishes regarding distinct society and other reforms without simultaneously satisfying the desires of Western Canadians and initiating a reform process satisfactory to the Aboriginals. Only then can Quebec's national aspirations be satisfied within Canada. "
Tags: accord, act, canada, confederation, constitution, lake, meech, quebec, unity
Abstract This paper analyzes the Quebec Act of 1774, passed by the British Parliament under Lord North (Lawson). The second document is a letter from Guy Carleton to Lord Dartmouth, written on 11 November, 1774. At that time Carleton was Governor of Canada, and Dartmouth was Secretary of State for the Colonies in Britain (Francis, Jones and Smith). The primary issue dealt with by these two documents was the difficult situation in Quebec.
A research study looking at the impact nationalism has had on Europe and, in particular, the way in which nationalism as an ideological concept is perceived and understood.
Abstract This paper explores the assumption that the views and theories about nationalism are to a great extent determined by the dominant theories, philosophies and perceptions of the age. In this sense it is a contention of this paper that modern nationalism needs to be understood within the context of the broader issues of modern and postmodern speculative thought. This paper also attempts to ascertain the way that theorists and thinkers over the years have understood and influenced the concept and ideology of nationalism. The study therefore provides an overview of the salient most cogent theories and perspectives on the changing views of nationalism. Additionally, the paper attempts to refer these theories and counter theories to actual contemporary situations.
Table of Contents
Introduction
What is Nationalism?
Nationalism and Ideology
Cultural Nationalism Romanticism and Nationalism Nationalism as a Social Construction
Hobsbawm and Geller
Summations and Reflections
From the Paper "It is something of a truism to say that ethnic and nationalist movements have become a dominant force in the world in the past century. It is also relatively easy to forecast that the future of Europe will be shaped to a great extent by nationalistic imperatives and philosophies. One only has to look at the recent history of Eastern Europe and the Balkans for general and tentative conformation of these assumptions. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fragmentation of the region have allowed nationalisms and ethnic groups to emerge in many areas. And, according to modern theorists of nationalism, we are also seeing the invention of new "nationalisms" that are being constructed by political and ideological forces - sometimes with devastating consequences."
Abstract The writer of this paper contends that the reason the internet is such a big part of globalization is due to the fact that for the first time in history, any individual in any part of the world can communicate in a completely uncensored way over the entire planet. This paper focuses on the combination of nationalism and isolationism within the realm of the internet. This paper examines the advantages of nationalism that began to flourish, thanks in large part to internet technology, as the first world nations and the rest of the industrialized world separated itself from the less capable or developed nations. This paper analyzes the numerous aspects of the internet which are far different from other mediums as it provides a way to present information in a variety of approaches, each uniquely different and targeted to a specific audience. The paper also discusses the downside to the internet and advanced technology, in that it has become a source of isolationism in many third world countries. The writer claims that internet access on a global scale has a definite negative stigma which has been termed the 'digital divide.' This paper examines how the movement of globalization and strong nationalism has isolated third world nations. The writer contends that while nationalism flourishes, attention must be given to the those third world countries that have become more and more isolated due to their inability to bring technology to their citizens.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Internet
Nationalism & Globalization
Isolationism
Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper "The internet is basically a way for organizations, parties and movements to present them selves in the same way as we would look at a magazine, newspaper, radio shows or television presentations. The unique aspects of the Internet that is different from these other mediums because it provides a way to present information in a plethora of ways, each way uniquely different for however the target audiences may be. In the same respect, the Internet can personalize 'homepages,' or web sites to also present a very individual message for different audiences. The Internet, therefore, is a much more public and at the same time personal provider of information. This also entails that a majority of the Internet is completely dominated by individual users such as newsgroups, chats, BBS while other parts are completely commercial business related."
Abstract This paper attempts to provide a more critical examination of what is meant by nationalism by looking to two works of fiction ? the 1919 Mr Standfast by John Bucan and the 1933 mystery novel Murder on the Orient Express by Agatha Christie. Both of these novels develops ideas of nationalism that are rooted in the historical concerns of these moments in time. Both in many ways now seem to us rather quaintly nostalgic. However, it is important to understand how very much the ideas ? and ideals ? of nationalism that are expressed in these two books are still with us today.
From the paper:
"We are currently surrounded with reminders of how the fabric of nationalism is woven: This has, of course, been especially true since the attacks on American on the 11th of September. It has become increasingly difficult to go anywhere now without seeing flags or other forms of patriotism and nationalism. And yet, while the heart may indeed swell at such demonstrations, the current uprising of nationalist sentiment provides a moment not only for us to join together in mutually felt pride in our nation but also to examine precisely what it is that nationalism means."
Abstract This paper explains that Umut Ozkirimli stated in ?Theories of Nationalism? that nationalism has been around for more than two hundred years, but serious scholarly examinations of the origins and spread of nationalism did not begin to pick up momentum until after WWII. The author points out that this book is best when arguing Ozkirimli's perspective and bringing others? views to light. The paper relates that Anthony Smith's book seeks to separate ?nationalism? from ?national identity?.
From the Paper "Smith points out that Gellner (whose ideas and work appear on 44 pages of Ozkirimli's book, but in only 3 pages of Smith's book), the ?modernist,? says nationalism (page 71) ?is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness; it invents nations where they do not exist,? albeit it does need some "pre-existing differentiating marks to work on"? That statement is disputable, given the nationalism that has run its course in the 20th Century. Did Hitler awaken Germany to self-consciousness in the late 1930s, adroitly exploiting the German common man's resentment for the outcome of WWI? The answer has to be yes."
Abstract This paper argues that ,while environmental treaties are justified in their interference with issues traditionally related to state sovereignty, such interference allows nations to challenge environmental treaties. It explains that this was very clear in the case of the Convention on Climate Change when several nations, such as the United States and China, refused to abide by the treaty, and even more, did not follow its terms even after agreeing to them. The writer points out that one of the most noticeable factors here is that it is mainly the industrialized or developed nations that have the power and strength to openly defy these treaties, while the Third World countries cannot for the simply reason that financial aid is, to some degree, partly dependant upon their national environmental laws. In this sense, an imbalance develops whereby the developed world has the choice to either reject or accept those treaties, and the Third World largely does not. From an analysis of this imbalance, and after proving it with reference to a number of global environmental treaties, this paper argues that the only solution lies in the creation of an international body for global environmental governance in which nations, regardless of their economic and political status, are equally represented. The aim of such a body would be to ensure respect for environmental treaties, eliminate imbalance,s and respond to one basic truth: the environment is a shared space, and one nation's abuse of it affects the lives of all people across the world. Thus, state sovereignty is an irrelevant issue here, as no nation has sovereignty over the environment.
From the Paper "The concept of national sovereignty has, since the emergence of nation-states, been regarded as sacred. At least, citizens and national governments have regarded their nation's sovereignty as sacred. That attitude was eventually transferred into law. Thereby, international law and treaties currently acknowledge and protect the principle of national sovereignty, conceding to a nation's rights to self determination and to resistance of external interventions in internal or national policies and decision making processes. However, while sovereignty is a popularly acknowledged and jealously protected political principle, sovereignty is not absolute and has its limitations. These limitations are defined by the interests of other nations and the collective welfare of all people and countries. Hence, no nation is absolutely sovereign and no government has the authority to act as it wishes within its national borders, arguing that it is protected by the principle of sovereignty. The simple fact of the matter is that in various international issues, most especially those relating to environmental policies, no country should have absolute sovereignty since, as emphasized by Robert Goodland and Herman Daly, the environment is not national but international or "universal" (1002-1003). Consequently, as relates to the environment, the concept of national sovereignty is a contentious issue."
Abstract Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper "Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of "nation" and "nation state" it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
Tags:nationalism, culture, religion, history, society, zionism, balkan
This paper reviews Minxin Pei's article "The Paradoxes of American Nationalism" and discusses the two paradoxes Pei has identified regarding American nationalism.
1,900 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 1 source, 2002, $ 71.95
Abstract Nationalism in the United States is somewhat a blurred idea in the political arena. In the article "The Paradoxes of American Nationalism" Minxin Pei identifies two paradoxes of American nationalism at a general level and at the policymaking level. First, the United States is a highly nationalistic country but it is not regarded as nationalistic. Second, on a similar count policymakers in the United States have a very poor appreciation of the power of nationalism.
Abstract In this article, the writer compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations as international organizations formed to maintain peace and international cooperation. The writer discusses the League's role in reducing international tensions and its limited effectiveness. Further, the writer discusses the complexity of the United Nations as an organization.
From the Paper Inis L. Claude stated that 'One World' is in some respects an idea land an aspiration born of modern interpretations of ancient moral thoughts and of rational estimates of the requirements for human survival. Both the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations were created as international organizations with a vested interest in maintaining the peace, preventing war, creating a mechanism or set of mechanisms for international cooperation and diplomacy and otherwise serving as trustees of ... "
