From the Paper "Democracy in the United States is based on the indirect representation of the people by elected officials who are usually chosen by direct vote. Almost from the beginning of the United States' history, however, two parties have shared the great majority of the elected positions from the local level to the presidency. The two largest parties have changed, third parties have emerged occasionally, and smaller parties--that win few offices--have continued for decades. But the existing two-party system has become institutionalized and has added a persistent layer of mediation between the people and their government. There are both positive and negative sides to this system, but in recent decades citizens' faith in the two main parties has declined as the Republican and Democratic parties have had difficulty in reconciling the varying interests of the people who..."
Abstract This paper provides discussion and analysis of John Stuart Mill's ?On Liberty,? focusing on his conceptions of individuality and conformity and the effects of these two contrasting categories on society as a whole. Mill places great importance on a people's ability to exercise individual choice, arguing that our very humanity is defined by our ability to make our own decisions. One of the greatest champions of the power of the individual, Mill urges people to avoid conformity, or blind, unquestioning adherence to existing norms, even if those norms are archaic, and do not make logical sense within the context of contemporary society. Conformity, he argues, causes society to stagnate ? if societal constructions are never questioned or challenged, nothing will ever change and society will cease to progress. This paper examines Mill's theory as it applies to 19th century Britain and Western society in general (seen by Mill as in danger of succumbing to conformity), focusing on issues of censorship and the strict moral codes of the period.
From the Paper "He argues that what renders a person human is his/her ability to choose, and that by blindly adhering to custom a person rejects his/her humanity and individuality. In order to be an individual, one must understand previous customs but then interpret them and, if necessary, change them to fit one's personal views and lifestyle. He places great value on individuality; not only is it crucial to the proper development of the human being, but to the development of society, for without it society will become stagnant and immobile. That is, if people stick to customs without questioning whether those customs are applicable to their lives and times and adjusting them appropriately, their societies will cease to progress. He applies his theories to 19th century Western society, warning that modern censorship and strict regulations hinder the development of the individual, and consequently the society. No greater responsibility, importance, and glory can be placed on individuality than are placed by Mill."
Abstract The paper shows that Machiavelli's "The Prince", written in 1513, gives us an insight to Italian Renaissance politics and culture at the time. It shows how Machiavelli's work reflects a changing attitude, where a person had more choice in determining his station in life by his own actions. A peasant could now work through the ranks to become an elite, an act that had not previously been possible in the Dark Ages.
From the Paper "The Italian Renaissance shows that people are no longer willing to act like sheep and rulers no longer rule by keeping the common people ignorant. Machiavelli points out that even in times of peace, the prince should study the arts of war, "what enables you to acquire a state is to be master of the art" (Machiavelli, Marriott trans.). He suggests drilling at every opportunity. The Prince should familiarize himself with the cartography of their own land, as well as to learn as much about other countries as possible. We must remember that Machiavelli lived in the age of the great explorers, including the Dutch and Portuguese. This reflects the Renaissance attitude and a thirst for knowledge. Ignorance is abhorred in this society and ignorance by rulers is simply not tolerated."
Abstract This paper explains terrorism in all of its many forms, including violence, force, political terrorism, fear, threats, etc. The writer addresses some of the immediate actions that were or will be taken by the United States when the threat of terrorism occurs. The paper studies in particular the events of September 11 and how America plans to react to these attacks.
Table of Contents: What is Terrorism?, Current Danger of Terrorism, The Attacks on the United States, Conclusion
From the Paper "Because of the type of attacks and the ferocity, it was immediately felt that this was the result of Palestinian terrorist groups. The Palestinians oftentimes mount suicide missions although there had been none this large to date. Several other countries were eliminated as possible suspects for different reasons. Many experts feel that Libya has no desire to attempt such an attack (Gibbs 32) and "Iraq's Saddam Hussein has always favored loud, brutish force over quiet finesse" (Gibbs 32). The most likely force behind these well-organized and brutal attacks is Osama bin Laden, whose attacks on U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania were similar."
Abstract Discusses Tocqueville's observations about public administration in the United States. Argues that Richard Stillman II incorrectly concludes that Tocqueville is condemning American administration. The paper asserts that Tocqueville understood that the weaknesses in American administration were "by design" in order to prevent tyranny and over-centralization.
From the Paper "Often times, it seems that the best critic is an outside observer? one who can offer plain insight without prideful bias. This is demonstrated by the fact that the best-known commentary on American politics and administration was written not by an American, but by a 26-year-old Frenchman by the name of Alexis de Tocqueville. As an outsider, he had a much clearer perspective than those around him and was able to more accurately report on both the strengths and weaknesses of the American system."
The paper discusses many of President Lincoln's encounters with opposition during the Civil War, in order to under his actions in an attempt to preserve the Union and the nation.
Abstract The paper shows that Lincoln's actions during the Civil War towards agitators against the government may not have been completely justified. If one were to examine the arbitrary arrests, and temporary closure of antiwar press, it is seen how Lincoln was able to curb dissent that may have gotten out of hand. It discusses that if his actions were solely to protect the people's liberty as a whole, by punishing a few opponents, Lincoln was just assuring his victory. It shows how Lincoln was bombarded by "Peace Democrats" that were purposely pressuring him by, "resisting the laws of embarrassing in every way the action of the Government, of communicating information to the rebels in arms, and in many cases inflicting serious damage on the lives and property of the Unionists". The paper uses sources such as Kunhardt, Mark Neely Jr., John Nicolay and John Hay.
From the Paper "So when Lincoln suspended the writ of Habeas corpus in order to arrest those accused of treason, the "Peace Democrats" had more ammunition against the president. There was much controversy as to whether the president had the power to suspend habaes corpus, and it was argued that only Congress had that right. The writ of habeas corpus protects people from arbitrary arrest and detainment. The power to do so was both that of the legislative branch as well as the judicial branch. It was unclear whether the Philadelphia convention placed it in Article I, just to identify it or define it as a legislative function. Either way, Lincoln did so, and the suspension of the writ of Habeas corpus brought on thousands of arbitrary arrests. Many of those who were arrested were spies, foreigners and smugglers. The question is: Did Lincoln go too far and unlawfully exercise his executive powers to manipulate constitutional limits?"
Abstract This paper describes the media's influence on American foreign policy, focusing on the propaganda and influences, which rule the media. The paper illustrates how the media acts for the interests of the U.S. government and discusses the fact that the media is owned by corporations. The paper claims that the ensuing result is many serious and important events do not get reported and the concept of free press is an illusion.
Format: Chicago style
From the Paper "Those who witnessed the atrocities of September 11, 2001 all over the world, and especially the United States, are not likely to forget the horrendous images. Every news channel played nonstop footage of planes crashing and buildings collapsing, smoke and flames, people screaming and jumping from buildings, and of course the inevitability that so many would be dead. There is no doubt that this event was a huge disaster and a horrible moment that will leave a mark in history as one of the worst terrorism acts. However, there are numerous catastrophic events, as well as deaths of individuals, that do not produce much of a response in the American media."
This paper proposes some reforms in the operations and structure of the United States Congress and discusses the reasons why reforms are needed in this powerful institution.
Abstract The paper outlines the reasons why Congress has become an oversized, inefficient institution, full of self-serving politicians who are out of touch with the country's most pressing problems. It discusses the length of the terms of service, the size of the constituencies and the manner in which campaigns are funded. The paper proposes the development of a system which would effectively monitor the activities of Congressmen in order to minimize the abuse of power. It also proposes changes in fiscal behavior, committee setup and campaign funding in order to prevent specific interest groups from interfering in Congressional matters.
From the Paper "It is also extremely critical to bear in mind that the public anger and frustration will only increase with the passage of time if noting is done to change the way Congress conducts itself. Apart from various internal structural problems, the Congress should actively allow impartial bodies to investigate various allegations against it. This way it will be able to clear some of the blame that public has placed on its shoulders."
Abstract This paper examines two of the historically most consequential revolutions of modern times: The American Revolution and the French Revolution. The paper discusses how the revolutions are linked in terms of their chronological proximity to each other as well as by the fact that some of the same people were involved in both revolutions. Four particular aspects of each of the revolutions are presented and studied in comparison with the other revolution. These are: 1) The intellectual origins of these revolutions; 2) The range of socio-economic, and politico-religious factors that fed into the revolutionary attitudes of the peoples; 3) The institutional transformations that occurred as a result of each of these revolutions; 4) An assessment of the historical importance and historical consequences of each of the revolutions.
From the Paper "The intellectual origins of both of these revolutions are strikingly similar. The majority of intellectual antecedents were contemporary, or nearly contemporary, to the revolutions themselves but some were already hundreds of years old. When we read documents like the Declaration of Independence we find ourselves in awe of both the personal courage and the intellectual acumen of the men who wrote such words. But while they were certainly both brave and wise they did not in fact have to create the justifications for revolution that they depended upon out of whole cloth."
Tags: history, society, europe, enlightenment, colonies, quakers, locke, civil, war
This paper logically refutes Nozick's Entitlement Theory of Justice, which attempts to provide an account of what justice requires with respect to property.
1,220 words (approx. 4.9 pages), 1 source, 2002, $ 41.95
Abstract The paper states that Nozick's arguments against redistributive tax is not a valid argument, neither on the microscopic nor the macroscopic scale. The author believes that it cannot be said that any individual person has any right to a specific piece of property if Nozick?s's idea of property is correct and is to be the standard by which people are said to own property.
From the Paper "In "Anarchy, State, and Utopia", Nozick argues that redistributive policies in which the wealthy are taxed to help out poor people is unjust and give the poor property rights over the wealthy. The redistribution of wealth via the government is unjust because it violates all of these principles. First of all, the poor do not work for the wealth given to them, that is a violation of the first principle. Second, there is abundant opportunities for people to make money themselves (2nd principle). So why should the government hand the poor something that the wealthy person has presumably worked for? Lastly, the transfer of property is not just, because the wealthy personally and voluntarily do not agree with the transfer. Therefore, wealth redistribution through involuntary taxation results in the poor having property rights over the wealthy the case."
Abstract The paper examines two different philosophical concepts of the ideal society. It shows how Plato believed that humans are governed by three elements ? bodily appetites, spiritual elements and reason ? and how each person has a dominant element that determines his or her place in society. In Plato's ideal society, only people who are governed by the rule of reason should be allowed to rule as guardians. A society which allows the ill-equipped masses to lead will be chaotic, making it impossible for good people to live productive lives. It discusses how Marx, in contrast, believed that all human beings are creators, the natural essence of all humans is creativity and that human beings have triumphed over nature by creating society and social relations. The only way back to the creative human essence is moving back to a true communist state, one where people, no longer required to labor, are free to once again indulge in creative productive work.
From the Paper "Like the human soul, Plato also viewed society as an organism. In Plato's ideal society, each person's social role will be determined by the element dominant in his or her soul. People who are ruled by bodily appetites would make the best producers ? farmers, laborers, hunters, merchants and the others whose work sustains a populace's physical needs. People who are driven by honor, loyalty, fame and other spiritual elements should be members of a city's auxiliary and military staff (Lavine: 58).
Finally, there are the men and women who are ruled by reason. They are devoid of family ties and do not possess private property. Through years of training, they could enact laws and make decisions based on reason and wisdom, on what Plato termed the ?idea of the good.? (Lavine: 58)."
Tags: soul, elements, humans, guardians, reason, chaos, communism, work
Abstract This paper examines Machiavelli's classic writing, "The Prince", which is a practical handbook of political advice for leaders. The paper explains the best ways to gain and maintain political power. It describes the role of the monarchy and Machiavelli's theories to enlarge territory and dominate Europe. The paper is well thought out with historical examples of Machiavelli's political ideas, where morality is unimportant and the ends justify the means.
From the Paper "Machiavelli's work is primarily concerned with the actions of leaders and not the welfare of the people. He views ordinary people as pawns to be manipulated. People are divided into three groups in the book, leaders, nobles, and the populace. Throughout most of history, the people and the nobles have been pitted against each other. It is better for a prince to have the support of the people than the nobles because the nobles always want something from the prince, or they are a danger to the prince because they consider themselves to be his equal. The people, on the other hand, don?t usually ask for anything more than not to be oppressed (64). Machiavelli does believe that the people are easily deceived and should be deceived and manipulated. He says that, "it is well to seem merciful, faithful, humane, sincere, religious, and also to be so" (93). But, he goes on to say that a prince doesn?t really have to have any of these qualities; he just has to convince the people that he does have them. Machiavelli, further states that if a prince is inclined to deceive people, there will always be some among the people that can be deceived, even if the prince has lied to them before (93)."
Abstract This paper looks at the philosophical writings of Rousseau where he examines the natural state, the state of nature, from which man has been removed by civilization. Rousseau states that the idea of morality comes with the formation of civil society and precedes the formation of political society. In this work, Rousseau distances himself from the optimistic, enlightened, and progressive attitudes of the eighteenth century. The paper shows how Rousseau characterizes modern society as not only incorporating, but fostering and demanding, deep and hateful inequalities between people, leading them further and further into corruption and misery.
From the Paper "With the creation of private property, there developed a sense of insecurity and conflict leading to the creation of political society through the social contract. This was conceived of by Rousseau as a real contract between the governors and the governed, with the governors selected by the governed. This precludes a despotic form of government, at least at this stage, for such a form of government returns people to the state of nature in which all are the same and all moral distinctions vanish under the power of the despot. The social contract requires some form of consent. If we have become slaves, it is because we have ceded too much power to the despots and have allowed them to void the social contract."
Abstract This paper discusses U.S. history from 1855, when the U.S appeared to be the strongest it had ever been, to the outbreak of the Civil War, when Abraham Lincoln was elected President in 1860. The author points out the "Bleeding at Kansas", Dred Scott case, Slavery and the citizenship of "free slaves". The paper describes the election of 1860 and the secession of the Southern states.
From the Paper "By the time the elections of 1860 came around, the entire nation knew how vital this election would be to the tone of relations between the North and the South. Citizens were not sure whether the election could calm the fights, and resolve what had been happening in the past five years, or if the election would cause an all-out war between the North and the South. Stephen Douglas apparently warned that such actions might occur, while Abraham Lincoln and John Breckinridge "downplayed any such dire consequence, insisting, and believing, that the other side was bluffing" ."
Abstract This paper examines the concept of conventions, in particular those relating to responsibility within the British government and the cabinet. It comments on the effectiveness of the concept as a means of restraining executive power. The paper examines the role of the House of Lords in terms of the recent changes and proposed reforms.
From the Paper "In Britain we have an unwritten constitution, which involves a number of non-legal conventional rules. These conventional rules mostly deal with the major responsibilities of government and it could be said that in general they are rules of non-legal accountability. Therefore, accountability of government is widely based on conventions and these conventions will discuss in detail, particularly those relating to the accountability of both government ministers and members of parliament."
Tags: accountability, government, britain, cabinet, executive, power, england
