Abstract This paper argues that the United Nations has not responded to humanitarian crisis and conflicts like Rwanda in an efficient and effective way. The UN has failed not only because of its inherent weakness and poverty of means and resources, but also because of the fundamental flaw in its post-Cold War peacemaking approach.
From the Paper "Although Clapham's claims contain some truth his article has a methodological weakness. It is flawed because it takes a very narrow view of UN peacekeeping and peacekeeping models. Clapham, for example, argues that the UN has only used one peacekeeping model during the post-Cold War period and insists on examining the United Nations' role in the ethnic conflict in Rwanda through that model. However, the point is that this model does not apply to Rwanda because the United Nations never used it in that country. His methodology provides insufficient explanation for why the Rwanda conflict was not prevented or contained, because it is based on the argument that the United Nations had intervened in Rwanda while it had not."
Abstract The research paper explores the relationship between drug cartels in Latin America and Latin American governments. The main focus is on the Colombian cartels, which are extremely powerful and a major force in the Latin American and global drug trade, and the Colombian government. Contains an annotated bibliography that is not included in the word count.
From the Paper "A strong government, political stability and security are something that many of us take for granted. In Egypt, we may complain that the government is too strong and does give the population the chance to practice any form of political protest or opposition. However, in comparison to Colombia, which suffers from a weak government, the Egyptians are much more fortunate even if they are denied their political rights. The Colombian population, due to a weak government, is deprived of its sense of security. The weakness of the Colombian government is a very critical issue and even more alarming is the reason for its weakness. Namely, this weakness originates from the presence of strong drug lords, on the one hand and armed political opposition groups, on the other. Colombia has, thus, become a country in which all these different groups, one of them consisting of criminal drug dealers and the other of violent and terrorist political militias, compete with one another for power. The consequence of this struggle for power, according to Michael F. Jimenez, a professor of Latin American history at the University of Pittsburg, is the complete absence of any form of stability or security for the Colombian people. In this country, "street children, vagrants, homosexuals, beggars and prostitutes disappear at the hands of the death squads. Drug traffickers cut down politicians and journalists and terrorize at will." Indeed, people just disappear every single day, including politicians and government officials. By all accounts, the Colombian problem is very difficult to resolve because of the enormous power that the drug lords have. The drug lords and cartels are more powerful than the government itself and, many politicians are even dependant on the political and financial support of the drug lords. At the same time, as Time journalist, Tim McGirk explains in "A Carpet of Cocaine," the drug lords fund the political opposition groups to ensure that Colombia remains a fragmented and weak state, in order to ensure their continued power. Not only that but, the drug lords have a very strong presence in the Colombian economy and invest large amounts of money in it, as Professor Jimenez points out. The situation is almost impossible to resolve. The Colombian drug lords have to be eliminated but, not through the military aid of the United States, which is the present policy, because that only enhances the anger of the population towards their government and creates greater support for both the militias and the drug lords who then considered to be fighting against a foreign military intervention. The power of the Colombian drug lords is exceptional due to the political and economic roles that they play in their country's life and, therefore, the war against them needs to take an international intervention and to be carried out through the United Nations, both because the Columbian government is too weak to confront the cartels and US intervention increases the problem."
Abstract This paper analyzes the reasons why the UN failed to find a solution to the 1994 crisis in Rwanda that led to the mass murder of Rwandan citizens. The paper argues that the reasons for the failure to prevent the genocide in Rwanda are because the situation was incorrectly evaluated, there was no will to do anything effective, and the media did not draw attention to the situation and arouse public opinion in favour of humanitarian intervention until it was too late. The paper further contends that the failure was not because the United Nations has used a single peacekeeping and peacemaking model since the end of the Cold War, as claimed by some political analysts.
From the Paper "The United Nations peace efforts were not effective in Rwanda, not because there is something wrong with its peacemaking model in general as Clapham believes but, because it incorrectly evaluated the conflict. Stephen John Stedman explains that one of the most important conditions for the successful prevention of a conflict, for peacemaking or for peacekeeping is to identify the causes of the conflict and the obstacles for peace. These obstacles, known as "spoilers," can be defined as 'Leaders and parties who believe that peace emerging from negotiations threatens their power, worldview and interests, and use violence to undermine attempts to achieve it""
Abstract As the dragon awakens, the bear, it appears, hibernates. Recently, the flowering of the Red Chinese economy has turned the eyes of Western security wonks eastward. Disquieted by the possibility of a military force built on years of stunning growth rates, American policymakers have sounded increasing alarms about the regional territorial intentions of this new potential hegemony. Whether due to post-Soviet optimism, hyper-power arrogance, or simply inability to hold too many thoughts simultaneously, this paper shows that analysts have drifted away from concerns about Russia as a credible enemy. The paper argues that, despite the obvious decline in Russian military and economic power, it may remain a potential opponent to the West in coming years. In an attempt to understand this possibility, the paper frames Russia today, politically, economically, and militarily, in relation to a variety of contemporary theories on the causes of war. Employing these theories, the paper judges the factors that would seem to make Russia more or less prone to belligerence. Beyond a simple discussion of various hypotheses, the paper sketches some possible scenarios of conflict in the foreseeable future.
From the Paper "So how does Russia fit into this equation? It is, at least nominally, in a transition from Communism to democracy. Reality though, as Churchill suggested, is opaque. Putin's state is far from liberal, but has maintained many inherent structural characteristics of a democracy. No serious party leader has articulated any political alternative to democracy, and democratic norms remain pervasive in society at large. The most commonly applied term for the Russian case is "managed democracy." What is worrying is that managed democracy is essentially a bargain. In exchange for promises of economic growth and stability, the masses surrender their rights to question the primacy of the regime."
Abstract This paper explores, with detailed analysis, the diplomatic problems Kennedy faced during the Cuban Missile Crisis. The paper includes a brief look at the historical event for a frame of reference and delves into issues of foreign policy and strategies used to remedy this troubling event. This paper also displays how these strategies only worsened the situation by causing diplomatic troubles between the United States and the Soviet Union. Further, the paper examines the relationship between President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev and how their leadership styles varied, but also made strides toward a peaceful solution possible.
From the Paper "The Cuban Missile Crisis did not happen over night, one day in October 1962. This issue started at the end of World War II and the advent of the Cold War. It was when the distinction between world powers became more evident that a weapons race started because of the spread of Communism closer to home. Dino Brugioni writes, "the Cuban question must be considered a part of the worldwide challenge posed by Communist threats to peace" (Brugioni 1990, p. 115). The United States relationship with Cuba was minimally awkward because of Castro's parent relationship with the Soviet Union. Castro was slowly becoming a pawn for the Soviets to use to demonstrate their influence. Kennedy had inherited the Bay of Pigs and the entire backlash that came with it. This was hardly a good starting point for the Kennedy administration."
Abstract This paper discusses the official culpability of the United States in the Abu Ghraib torture scandal and argues that the superpower is guilty of the deliberate violation of the most basic tenets of warfare and international humanitarian law.
From the Paper "The fact of the matter is that the United Nations has repeatedly demonstrated its incapacity to fulfill the roles and goals that it established for itself. This observation is implied, even though not explicitly stated, in Diehl et. al.'s article on the United Nations' peacekeeping functions ad its record in controlling conflicts (683-684). According to this viewpoint, the United Nations, as an organization, and irrespective of the many institutions and organs that it comprises, has neither the manpower nor the financial resources needed to fulfill its duties and responsibilities towards the international community (683-684)."
Abstract This paper argues that, while the first Gulf War may be understood through the application of the liberalism theory, it is more deeply and correctly comprehended through the lens of the realism theory of international relations.
From the Paper "The first Gulf War did not end with the conclusion of the fighting and the restoring of Kuwait's sovereignty. According to Abbas Alnasrawi, the Gulf War continued in the political and economic sanctions suffered by Iraq and the inspection regime that it was subjected to throughout the aftermath of the Gulf War (211) until, we can say, the present war. The United Nations Security Council, led by the United States was determined to ensure that Iraq never have the capability of attacking one of its neighbours again, taking the invasion of Kuwait very seriously. Hence, Iraq suffered an embargo which lasted, according to Alnasrawi, 11 years (205) but considering that he had written this in 2001, we can say that the embargo lasted until the American invasion of Iraq."
Abstract This paper, based on John Mearsheimer's article, "The False Promise of International Institutions", argues against the effectiveness of international institutions by attacking three leading institutionalist theories: Liberal institutionalism, collective security and critical theory. The author points out that international institutions have failed up to this point because they do not have in place effective mechanisms for those who break international law and there are double standards in these institutions, which clearly favor the more powerful states. The paper concludes by offering suggestions for a re-organization in international institutions, which will result in more positive conclusions resulting in a more interdependent, cooperative international society.
From the Paper "The attack upon liberal institutionalism suggests that this idea does not provide a sound basis for understanding international relations or promoting worldwide stability. This argument is based upon the fact that liberal institutionalism focuses on cooperation and avoids the direct question, which propounds on whether or not international institutions cause peace. Another strong argument against liberal institutionalism besides its narrow definition of "cooperation" is that it virtually ignores the other major obstacle to cooperation: relative-gain concerns. A prime example of this in current institutional history can be gleaned from the arguments made against Turkey's inclusion into the EU, which appear to be much less concerned with Turkey "cheating" the system and much more about relative-gain concerns with regards to this new addition. "EU Business" backs this assertion with forecasting high costs for European taxpayers when "EU Agriculture Commissioner Franz warned last month that Turkey's inclusion could cost 11.3 billion Euros a year in agricultural subsidies" and "EU regional development aid could reach 10 billion Euros a year.""
Tags: liberal, collective, theory, cooperation, power
Abstract This paper presents a thorough examination of the international relations theory known as Liberalism or Idealism. It discusses the negative, as well as the positive notions of this theory. The paper mentions some of the famous ideas of Kant, Mill, Keynes and Locke in proving the viability of liberalism in today's international context.
From the Paper "This suggests the importance of the non-state actor. In realism, the most important actor is the state, but in this theory, we see the suggestion that "the state is not a unitary actor" (Viotti&Kauppi 1999) and cannot ever be considered separately or individually without considering other factors. The third assumption is that as said in the first sentence of this paragraph, liberals have a positive, progressive view of human nature and the world and because of this view, human beings are capable of affecting positive change on the international system. Next, liberalism believes that there is no difference between domestic politics and international politics. In other words, if it works on a domestic level, then it is sure to work on an international level as well. Finally, liberalism believes that even if anarchy characterises the international system, today and historically as realism suggests, as rational beings from the first premise, this is not set in stone and can be overcome."
Abstract This paper discusses the two-party system of Britain and the multi-party system of France. The paper discusses the various advantages of the two political systems and questions whether they are suitable for their respective countries. The writer explains that in recent years many British citizens have called for a new system--the multi-party system-arguing that the two-party system produces stable governments, rather than stable democracy - and the latter is more desirable.
Outline
Introduction
Britain's Two-Party System
France's Multi-Party System
Will Britain Transition to a Multi-Party System?
Bibliography
From the Paper "Many democracies in Europe have traditionally aligned themselves on the left-right axes (Katz and Mair, 1995). The main difference is the amount of government involvement they advocate. Left-wing parties usually promote more government involvement to overcome the market failures and provide social service. Right-wing parties promote more free market oriented politics of free enterprise.
In competitive systems, there is a sharp distinction between two-party systems, which often promote a party strategy of moderation and compromise intended to win a majority vote, and multiparty systems, where there is less compromise and in which a party's strategic plan places a strong emphasis on maintaining the support of its primary voters (Katz, 1981). However, generally speaking, the structure and behavior of a specific country's political parties is strongly dependent on the country's political and cultural history."
Abstract This paper describes the current humanitarian crisis in Darfur. It explains that there are many reasons why the international community should become involved in this terrible situation. One is that we have a moral obligation to do so and another is that there is a need to set an example to the Khartoum government, that genocide is not acceptable. Finally, success in Darfur would gain the United States and other countries that came to Darfur's aid, a political reward of having another democratic nation as an ally. This paper explores all three of these reasons.
From the Paper "This humanitarian crisis should not turn into a political pawn to be used by the Bush Administration, however. The U.S. has been known for many decades to promote peace in Sudan, so of course the Bush Administration wants the same credit. Peace is not being achieved right now, and the U.S. government needs to acknowledge this. Booker and Colgan write, "The Administration had hoped that such an agreement would allow it to lift sanctions on Sudan. This, in turn, would permit US oil companies to pursue a share of the country's recently developed oil wealth. Such interests, however, cannot be allowed to compromise a larger moral obligation." "
Tags: arab, community, darfur, international, janjaweed, killing, militia, political, sudan
Abstract A discussion about the controversies surrounding the IMF and World Bank. The debt trap, the (Structural Adjustment Plans) SAPs and the unequal distribution of the votes are the main criticisms among IMF and World Bank opponents. The paper shows that there is need for reforms and change, and it also explains that both institutions are necessary in today's globalized world as they did help and improve living standards in many cases. The writer points out, however, that both institutions, especially the World Bank have already started to reform its organization as a response to the protester's demands. This means that the World Bank realized that some arguments of the opponents actually do concern. It concludes to explain that the World Bank now is among the world's largest external funder of education, health (HIV/AIDS) and environment projects.
1. Introduction
1.1. The Rise of the IMF and World Bank
1.2. The International Monetary Fund
1.3. The World Bank
2. Why are the Activities of IMF and World Bank so Controversial?
2.1. Poverty
2.2. The Debt Trap
2.3. The Structural Adjustment Plans (Saps)
2.3.1. Austerity Programs
2.3.2. Privatisation
2.3.3. Environment
2.4. Voting Rights
2.5. The Human Rights Issue
3. Conclusion
4. Reference List
From the Paper "In July 1944 the so-called Bretton Woods Conference in New Hampshire, USA established the IMF together with the World Bank, originally called the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). These two organisations were the outcome of long negotiations between 44 nations during World War II in order to ensure post-war global economic growth and to eliminate the aggressive exchange rates politics of the 30s. "The task of the IMF would be to maintain order in the international monetary system and that of the World Bank would be to promote general economic growth" (Hill, 2003:340). Furthermore, with the establishment of both organisations the member states aspired for reforms of international economic relations and an expansion of world trade."
Tags: adjustment, bank, debt, economy, fund, global, globalisation, globalization, imf, international, monetary, plans, poverty, structural, trap, world
Abstract This paper explains that the reaction of protesters and the enclave mentality of those sponsoring globalization show clearly that this process is not democratic but rather is a gambit for control of the world's resources by the corporate sector. The author points out that power has passed into hands of unaccountable multinational corporations like General Motors, Coca-Cola and McDonald's; and, even where political parties are allowed to compete, they tend to offer identical policies. The paper concludes that the threat to democracy is hard to miss because almost all the checks and balances, such as trade unions versus business interests, which help to reign in the excesses of one group as opposed to another, are being dismantled.
From the Paper "The most obvious effect of this process has been to undermine the traditional role of nation-state. All governments now have to gear their economic policies to global developments which they cannot hope to control. Increasingly, they make decisions which are intended to boost the competitive position to their countries in relation to global competitors, e.g.. In Britain, recent governments have recognized that they cannot complete with relatively low cost economies like China, and argue that future prosperity will depend on a highly skilled, well- motivated workforce. Another effect of the changes associated with globalization is a tendency to see the countries of the world as increasingly interdependent. "
Abstract This paper explains that the war in Iraq has two ultimate goals: The formation of a democratic government and to send a strong message to countries that support terrorism. The author points out that the goal of the United States is not to set up a presidential democracy such as America but a democracy defined by the people of Iraq, which is the best hope for a peaceful Middle East. The paper relates that, in addition to the struggle with guerrilla warfare, the United States faces a slew of problems in Iraq, most of all to strike a balance between Iraq's three main ethno-religious groups--Sunni, Shiite and Kurd, which should be achieved with education and understanding, not with violence and vendettas.
From the Paper "The United States needs a unified Iraq because it provides the U.S. military a strategic advantage in the heart of the Middle East. Iraq will serve as prime location for military operations against terrorist groups in Pakistan and other neighboring countries. By establishing a democracy in this oil rich country, it will help establish a stable economy that will further the development of the Iraqi nation. As well as being rich in oil, establishing a democracy in one of the more advanced countries of the Middle East will give the United States an advantage in the global economy as well as helping to ensure the security of the United States homeland. The military defense is essential to peace keeping efforts; however, much like the Vietnam war, the military is faced with guerilla warfare tactics that inhibit the peace efforts."
Abstract This paper argues that one of the major reasons for China's incredible growth since its opening in 1978, is due to the substantial influx of foreign direct investment (FDI). The gradual opening up of China to FDI, coupled with a large array of benefiting economic factors such as preferential policies, low labor costs, access to neighboring markets with similar culture/language etc., has resulted in unimagined investment and resulting growth. The paper shows that in this process FDI, has positively improved and/or contributed to total investment, technology transfer, employment, foreign exchange reserves, management know-how, competition, new industries and tax revenue.
The paper includes a chart.
Table of Contents:
I. Introduction
II. Overview of FDI Trends
Sources of FDI
Geographical Distribution
Reasons for Investment and Preference for Investment on the Coast Business Forms of FDI
Government Policies
WTO Agreement and FDI
Empirical Studies
III. FDI Challenges and China
1 Impact on Domestic Capabilities
2 Foreign Exchange
3 Employment
4 The Limits of Preferential Policies and Tax Evasion?
5 Financial Market Inefficiencies
IV. A Case Study of FDI in Dongguan, Guangdong
V. Conclusion
References
From the Paper "In all these cases, the liberalization process was carefully developed by only allowing access to certain sectors and geographical areas. Today there are still limitations of foreign investment in which the Government deems such sectors as "strategically" important. Such sectors or projects include airport development, nuclear power plants, oil and gas, subways, communications, printing etc. In many cases foreign investment is restricted to an equity share that is less than 50% (Tseng and Zebregs, 2002)."
