Abstract This paper examines how the interpretation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) rules in dispute settlements has shown both the limits and scope of how a rule-making body, with a legacy of compromise and negotiated outcomes, deals with environmental protection. It spells out the WTO position on the trade-environment linkage and then reviews the key provisions negotiated under the WTO framework that relate to environmental policies. Next, it details the scope and limit of these rules by analyzing a sample of environmental cases interpreted in the WTO dispute settlement body (DSB). These include the tuna-dolphin, shrimp-turtle, reformulated gasoline, and asbestos cases. It also looks at how the WTO rules compare to those established under other Multilateral Environmental Agreement (MEAs) and how this relationship is significant as it highlights limits.
From the Paper "The preamble to the Marrakesh Agreement that establishes the WTO has referred to the importance of working towards sustainable development. The Members have recognized that "their relations in the field of trade and economic endeavor should be conducted with a view to....protect and preserve the environment and to enhance the means for doing so in a manner consistent with their respective needs and concerns at different levels of economic development" This statement contains an example of the legacy of compromise and the result of negotiated outcomes in the WTO. In the case of environmental protection there is a compromise of "sustainable development" embedded in the WTO Agreements and mandates that gives leeway to "creative ambiguities"."
Abstract This paper defines key terms necessary for the paper ('human rights', 'civil rights' and 'civil liberties') and gives a brief history of the development of human rights (from Socrates through to the U.S. Bill of Rights and the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights). The main paper is split into two parts. Part one looks at alleged human rights violations from both an external, generally 'Western', perspective and an internal, Chinese (Asian-Islamic) perspective. It argues that human rights as an issue is being manipulated by both Western and Eastern governments for political purposes. Examples used in the paper include alleged oppression in Tibet, Xinjiang, and Tianenmen Square; as well as suspected torture based on religious, political and socio-cultural intolerance by the Chinese government. Part two looks at possible solutions to the human rights issue. It again uses both internal (Chinese) and external (U.S. and U.N.) perspectives and leads to the thought-provoking conclusion. The full text of the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights is included in the appendix.
From the Paper "'Human rights' are rights that all humans are entitled to such as the right to live, the right to liberty, the right to freedom of expression and the right to equality within society. 'Civil rights' and 'civil liberties' refer to the guarantees that a state may make to its citizens and are offered in addition to one's basic human rights. Perhaps the best quantification of human rights (and the mostly widely accepted in the West) is the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Although the UN's Declaration is over half a century old and has been savagely criticized at times it still serves as a useful guide to general ideals of human rights."
Abstract This paper addresses shifts in the balance of power and in security rather than how psychological and social changes are affecting politics. The paper looks at how globalization and interdependence weaken sovereignty. It then outlines the rising power of non-state actors, such as NGOs and transnational corporations. The writer also discusses the nationalist, and often disintegrative, forces that exist as part of the globalized world. It ends by describing the effect that globalization has upon security.
From the Paper "The weakening of state sovereignty is often part of the definition of globalization. Sovereignty is being eroded in several ways. A global society is developing in which people share similar experiences and values and feel connected to people in other states. In the global society, personal allegiance to the state may be not be as strong as allegiance to substate or international groups. In addition, the lack of hot war between great powers after WWII has meant that the great powers are less able to wield their national symbols effectively and inspire devotion to the state. This lessens the state's power over its citizens in crucial situations, such as when a state wishes to go to war. I will discuss that situation further in later in the paper. In the global society, people feel bound by common humanity and are therefore sensitive to human rights violations. Globalization has not stopped human rights violations but the actions have become publicized through recently improved communications networks and human rights abuses are likely to be censured. Human rights violations may even result in humanitarian intervention, which will be discussed later. The qualifications for sovereignty have changed. Legitimate state authority is now "linked, in moral and legal terms, with the maintenance of human rights, values, and democratic standards." State sovereignty is frequently violated by intervention and undercut by the allegiances of the state's own citizens."
Abstract This paper provides background and overview information on Puerto Rico and its people today, followed by a review of Duany's book, "The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (2002)". A summary of the research is provided in the conclusion.
From the Paper "The author reports that the mulatto category was dropped entirely after 1920, and racial categories were diminished into bare-bone white vs. colored, non-white or Negro, a process that mirrored that taking place in the census categories on the U.S. mainland. The author notes that the official disappearance of racially intermediate types consolidated the movement from "non-white" to "white categories" in Puerto Rico, and Duany (2002: 250) suggests this occurred based on the U.S. government's attempt to apply a binary race model to a fluid multiracial situation in Puerto Rico."
Abstract This paper discusses the importance of communication between countries and government representatives that is efficient and effective and does not require the the aid of expensive translators. The paper further argues that the only way to achieve this important and essential efficient communication is through the adoption of a universal language, which all the people of the world understand and speak. Finally, the paper contends that such a language should be an artificial language, such as Esperanto, because it is politically neutral and not linked to any specific country, culture, or political ideology; is easier to learn than any other language; and is well-developed enough as a language to fulfill the action of communication for all purposes. A complete outline and an annotated bibliography is included with the paper.
From the Paper "In the era of globalization and increase of interaction between the global population, the importance of an international language increases. The numbers reported by Kep Enderby, the author of "The Problem of Language In International Affairs," and a former government minister and judge, support this argument. Enderby informs readers that the world's 5.2 billion people speak 3,000 different world languages and 7,000 dialects (par. 2). As global cooperation is necessary, thousands of people from across the world attend over 2,000 international conferences a year (par. 26). Since they do not have a common language, at least four different languages are officially used, with translators still needed (Enderby par. 33). People and governments do not have a common language, and this results in misunderstandings, waste of time and waste of money. In the age where all countries are connected and dependant on one another, and where representatives of governments have to meet regularly and often, it is essential that communication between them is efficient and not requiring the aid of expensive translators. The only way to achieve this important and essential efficient communication is through the adoption of a universal language which all the people of the world understand and speak. Furthermore, a universal language will have the practical objective of giving all people, from all countries, a global identity. Most people agree with this idea but disagree on whether this universal language should be a natural language such as English, or an artificial one such as Esperanto. Although many people favor the adopting of English as an international language, believing that it is an obvious choice because it is already a popular and widely spoken second language, that is easy to learn, it is not a good alternative. The best choice for an international language is an artificial one like Esperanto because it is politically neutral, not linked to any specific country, culture or political ideology, is easier to learn than any other language, and is well-developed enough as a language to fulfill the action of communication for all purposes. However, the success of adopting Esperanto as a "lingua humana," like Gardner Ralph White calls it in "Towards the Construction of A Lingua Humana," (113) is greatly dependant upon its introduction into the educational systems of countries as a second language and the chances for its success are poor."
Abstract This paper argues that the United Nations has not responded to humanitarian crisis and conflicts like Rwanda in an efficient and effective way. The UN has failed not only because of its inherent weakness and poverty of means and resources, but also because of the fundamental flaw in its post-Cold War peacemaking approach.
From the Paper "Although Clapham's claims contain some truth his article has a methodological weakness. It is flawed because it takes a very narrow view of UN peacekeeping and peacekeeping models. Clapham, for example, argues that the UN has only used one peacekeeping model during the post-Cold War period and insists on examining the United Nations' role in the ethnic conflict in Rwanda through that model. However, the point is that this model does not apply to Rwanda because the United Nations never used it in that country. His methodology provides insufficient explanation for why the Rwanda conflict was not prevented or contained, because it is based on the argument that the United Nations had intervened in Rwanda while it had not."
Abstract The research paper explores the relationship between drug cartels in Latin America and Latin American governments. The main focus is on the Colombian cartels, which are extremely powerful and a major force in the Latin American and global drug trade, and the Colombian government. Contains an annotated bibliography that is not included in the word count.
From the Paper "A strong government, political stability and security are something that many of us take for granted. In Egypt, we may complain that the government is too strong and does give the population the chance to practice any form of political protest or opposition. However, in comparison to Colombia, which suffers from a weak government, the Egyptians are much more fortunate even if they are denied their political rights. The Colombian population, due to a weak government, is deprived of its sense of security. The weakness of the Colombian government is a very critical issue and even more alarming is the reason for its weakness. Namely, this weakness originates from the presence of strong drug lords, on the one hand and armed political opposition groups, on the other. Colombia has, thus, become a country in which all these different groups, one of them consisting of criminal drug dealers and the other of violent and terrorist political militias, compete with one another for power. The consequence of this struggle for power, according to Michael F. Jimenez, a professor of Latin American history at the University of Pittsburg, is the complete absence of any form of stability or security for the Colombian people. In this country, "street children, vagrants, homosexuals, beggars and prostitutes disappear at the hands of the death squads. Drug traffickers cut down politicians and journalists and terrorize at will." Indeed, people just disappear every single day, including politicians and government officials. By all accounts, the Colombian problem is very difficult to resolve because of the enormous power that the drug lords have. The drug lords and cartels are more powerful than the government itself and, many politicians are even dependant on the political and financial support of the drug lords. At the same time, as Time journalist, Tim McGirk explains in "A Carpet of Cocaine," the drug lords fund the political opposition groups to ensure that Colombia remains a fragmented and weak state, in order to ensure their continued power. Not only that but, the drug lords have a very strong presence in the Colombian economy and invest large amounts of money in it, as Professor Jimenez points out. The situation is almost impossible to resolve. The Colombian drug lords have to be eliminated but, not through the military aid of the United States, which is the present policy, because that only enhances the anger of the population towards their government and creates greater support for both the militias and the drug lords who then considered to be fighting against a foreign military intervention. The power of the Colombian drug lords is exceptional due to the political and economic roles that they play in their country's life and, therefore, the war against them needs to take an international intervention and to be carried out through the United Nations, both because the Columbian government is too weak to confront the cartels and US intervention increases the problem."
Abstract This paper analyzes the reasons why the UN failed to find a solution to the 1994 crisis in Rwanda that led to the mass murder of Rwandan citizens. The paper argues that the reasons for the failure to prevent the genocide in Rwanda are because the situation was incorrectly evaluated, there was no will to do anything effective, and the media did not draw attention to the situation and arouse public opinion in favour of humanitarian intervention until it was too late. The paper further contends that the failure was not because the United Nations has used a single peacekeeping and peacemaking model since the end of the Cold War, as claimed by some political analysts.
From the Paper "The United Nations peace efforts were not effective in Rwanda, not because there is something wrong with its peacemaking model in general as Clapham believes but, because it incorrectly evaluated the conflict. Stephen John Stedman explains that one of the most important conditions for the successful prevention of a conflict, for peacemaking or for peacekeeping is to identify the causes of the conflict and the obstacles for peace. These obstacles, known as "spoilers," can be defined as 'Leaders and parties who believe that peace emerging from negotiations threatens their power, worldview and interests, and use violence to undermine attempts to achieve it""
Abstract As the dragon awakens, the bear, it appears, hibernates. Recently, the flowering of the Red Chinese economy has turned the eyes of Western security wonks eastward. Disquieted by the possibility of a military force built on years of stunning growth rates, American policymakers have sounded increasing alarms about the regional territorial intentions of this new potential hegemony. Whether due to post-Soviet optimism, hyper-power arrogance, or simply inability to hold too many thoughts simultaneously, this paper shows that analysts have drifted away from concerns about Russia as a credible enemy. The paper argues that, despite the obvious decline in Russian military and economic power, it may remain a potential opponent to the West in coming years. In an attempt to understand this possibility, the paper frames Russia today, politically, economically, and militarily, in relation to a variety of contemporary theories on the causes of war. Employing these theories, the paper judges the factors that would seem to make Russia more or less prone to belligerence. Beyond a simple discussion of various hypotheses, the paper sketches some possible scenarios of conflict in the foreseeable future.
From the Paper "So how does Russia fit into this equation? It is, at least nominally, in a transition from Communism to democracy. Reality though, as Churchill suggested, is opaque. Putin's state is far from liberal, but has maintained many inherent structural characteristics of a democracy. No serious party leader has articulated any political alternative to democracy, and democratic norms remain pervasive in society at large. The most commonly applied term for the Russian case is "managed democracy." What is worrying is that managed democracy is essentially a bargain. In exchange for promises of economic growth and stability, the masses surrender their rights to question the primacy of the regime."
Abstract This paper explores, with detailed analysis, the diplomatic problems Kennedy faced during the Cuban Missile Crisis. The paper includes a brief look at the historical event for a frame of reference and delves into issues of foreign policy and strategies used to remedy this troubling event. This paper also displays how these strategies only worsened the situation by causing diplomatic troubles between the United States and the Soviet Union. Further, the paper examines the relationship between President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev and how their leadership styles varied, but also made strides toward a peaceful solution possible.
From the Paper "The Cuban Missile Crisis did not happen over night, one day in October 1962. This issue started at the end of World War II and the advent of the Cold War. It was when the distinction between world powers became more evident that a weapons race started because of the spread of Communism closer to home. Dino Brugioni writes, "the Cuban question must be considered a part of the worldwide challenge posed by Communist threats to peace" (Brugioni 1990, p. 115). The United States relationship with Cuba was minimally awkward because of Castro's parent relationship with the Soviet Union. Castro was slowly becoming a pawn for the Soviets to use to demonstrate their influence. Kennedy had inherited the Bay of Pigs and the entire backlash that came with it. This was hardly a good starting point for the Kennedy administration."
Abstract This paper discusses the official culpability of the United States in the Abu Ghraib torture scandal and argues that the superpower is guilty of the deliberate violation of the most basic tenets of warfare and international humanitarian law.
From the Paper "The fact of the matter is that the United Nations has repeatedly demonstrated its incapacity to fulfill the roles and goals that it established for itself. This observation is implied, even though not explicitly stated, in Diehl et. al.'s article on the United Nations' peacekeeping functions ad its record in controlling conflicts (683-684). According to this viewpoint, the United Nations, as an organization, and irrespective of the many institutions and organs that it comprises, has neither the manpower nor the financial resources needed to fulfill its duties and responsibilities towards the international community (683-684)."
Abstract This paper argues that, while the first Gulf War may be understood through the application of the liberalism theory, it is more deeply and correctly comprehended through the lens of the realism theory of international relations.
From the Paper "The first Gulf War did not end with the conclusion of the fighting and the restoring of Kuwait's sovereignty. According to Abbas Alnasrawi, the Gulf War continued in the political and economic sanctions suffered by Iraq and the inspection regime that it was subjected to throughout the aftermath of the Gulf War (211) until, we can say, the present war. The United Nations Security Council, led by the United States was determined to ensure that Iraq never have the capability of attacking one of its neighbours again, taking the invasion of Kuwait very seriously. Hence, Iraq suffered an embargo which lasted, according to Alnasrawi, 11 years (205) but considering that he had written this in 2001, we can say that the embargo lasted until the American invasion of Iraq."
Abstract This paper describes the war that existed in the Philippines after the Spain's defeat at the hands of the United States during the Spanish-American War. As a direct result of the war, the Philippines were given to the United States and the Filipino people who originally believed that they were fighting a war for freedom and independence against the Spanish begin to turn against American troops who they view as simply another occupying force. The first part of the paper gives a background to the Filipino insurgency and its main leader, General Emilio Aguinaldo. Aguinaldo's tactics of fighting a guerrilla war against American troops is examined, as well as the effectiveness of these attacks on shocking the American public back home. Feeling betrayed by America who promised the Filipino people freedom after the Spanish were defeated, Aguinaldo embarked on a series of deadly attacks on American soldiers in the Philippines. As a result, American troops responded with equal brutality in their reprisals with very little organized military command holding them back. Diaries are heavily cited in this section of the paper, giving primary sources that tell of how desperate the American soldiers were at the time and how they needed to racially dehumanize the enemy in order to commit such vicious acts of reprisal. The second part of the paper deals with how the American press responded to the war. Numerous newspaper articles and other criticisms of the war are given as examples, some written by the early 20th century's most prominent figures such as Mark Twain. The general point of this section is to show how deeply divided the American public was over the war in the Philippines and how many felt that it would lead to American involvement in other world affairs. A direct parallel is also drawn to the Iraq War in modernity. Finally, the paper ends with a detailed account of how individual soldiers from both sides viewed the conflict. The Filipinos clearly viewed the insurgency as a necessary action in order to preserve their promised independence, while many American soldiers were disgusted and frustrated with why they were in the country to begin with, and often responded violently towards the natives since they began to view them as subhuman. The psychology of warfare is briefly discussed, as soldiers often dehumanize the enemy as a means of justification of their own violent behavior. The end of the insurgency is also discussed, with American troops brutally putting down the rebellion and establishing a tight control over the entire area for decades.
From the Paper "On April 11th, 1898, the President of the United States William McKinley went to Congress and asked the elected body to declare war on Spain for their role in oppression overseas and to accommodate public opinion that was strongly anti-Spanish due to the sinking of the United States battleship Maine only a few months earlier that was blamed on Spanish agents. Congress eventually sanctioned the war, and the Spanish-American war commenced with several battles over Spanish colonies such as Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. The war itself was over fairly quickly, as hostilities were ended only a few months after war was officially declared. The involvement in the former Spanish colonies clearly demonstrated that America had shifted to a strong imperialistic attitude when it came to the Western Hemisphere and indeed the world in general, and would be forced to endure all of the benefits and tribulations that came from being an imperialistic power."
Tags: aguinaldo, american, emilio, filipino, history, philippines, spanish, war, wars
Abstract This paper, based on John Mearsheimer's article, "The False Promise of International Institutions", argues against the effectiveness of international institutions by attacking three leading institutionalist theories: Liberal institutionalism, collective security and critical theory. The author points out that international institutions have failed up to this point because they do not have in place effective mechanisms for those who break international law and there are double standards in these institutions, which clearly favor the more powerful states. The paper concludes by offering suggestions for a re-organization in international institutions, which will result in more positive conclusions resulting in a more interdependent, cooperative international society.
From the Paper "The attack upon liberal institutionalism suggests that this idea does not provide a sound basis for understanding international relations or promoting worldwide stability. This argument is based upon the fact that liberal institutionalism focuses on cooperation and avoids the direct question, which propounds on whether or not international institutions cause peace. Another strong argument against liberal institutionalism besides its narrow definition of "cooperation" is that it virtually ignores the other major obstacle to cooperation: relative-gain concerns. A prime example of this in current institutional history can be gleaned from the arguments made against Turkey's inclusion into the EU, which appear to be much less concerned with Turkey "cheating" the system and much more about relative-gain concerns with regards to this new addition. "EU Business" backs this assertion with forecasting high costs for European taxpayers when "EU Agriculture Commissioner Franz warned last month that Turkey's inclusion could cost 11.3 billion Euros a year in agricultural subsidies" and "EU regional development aid could reach 10 billion Euros a year.""
Tags: liberal, collective, theory, cooperation, power
Abstract This paper presents a thorough examination of the international relations theory known as Liberalism or Idealism. It discusses the negative, as well as the positive notions of this theory. The paper mentions some of the famous ideas of Kant, Mill, Keynes and Locke in proving the viability of liberalism in today's international context.
From the Paper "This suggests the importance of the non-state actor. In realism, the most important actor is the state, but in this theory, we see the suggestion that "the state is not a unitary actor" (Viotti&Kauppi 1999) and cannot ever be considered separately or individually without considering other factors. The third assumption is that as said in the first sentence of this paragraph, liberals have a positive, progressive view of human nature and the world and because of this view, human beings are capable of affecting positive change on the international system. Next, liberalism believes that there is no difference between domestic politics and international politics. In other words, if it works on a domestic level, then it is sure to work on an international level as well. Finally, liberalism believes that even if anarchy characterises the international system, today and historically as realism suggests, as rational beings from the first premise, this is not set in stone and can be overcome."
