Abstract This paper explores the underlying motives for "Operation Iraqi Freedom" and questions whether it is about the liberation of people from the whims of a madman or simply a clash of civilizations. It examines the underlying premise behind the current (2003) war and analyzes Saddam Hussein as a rising global threat and his contribution to terrorism. The paper also explores the the cultural clashes between Western and Arabic civilization and the role that oil plays in the current dispute. Finally, the paper uses research based on Samuel P. Huntington's article "The Clash of Civilizations", (1993).
From the Paper "The current war is by no means new. It has simply extended west. Iraq geographically encompasses where civilizations first began. It is in this area that ruthless tribes struggle for power against nature, power against death, and power against man. It is in this area that man birthed religion, who begat politics. As history created itself, man forged tribes creating distinct lines. These lines Huntington term the fault lines. They can be drawn back to the Hapsburg and Ottoman empires. Historically the nations to the north and west have always been more prosperous. They together they share feudalism to the reformation to the industrial revolution. The people of the south and east experienced history differently. They were less better off economically and politically. They shared ruthless barbarians, constant warfare and genocide. (Huntington 1993)"
Abstract This paper analyzes how the Internet and associated technologies of mass communication and interaction are effecting the war in Iraq. It discusses how the internet leads to a self-informed public, how various activist groups use the internet as a powerful organizational infrastructure and how reliance on the Internet may expose America and other nations to new forms of attack. Specific coverage is given to general public knowledge and the protest response.
From the Paper "However, not only the anti-war faction, but also pro-war support groups are finding the internet to be a useful tool in promoting their causes. In a recent poll, twenty-nine percent of online Americans responded that they had used email to communicate pro-war sentiment and twenty-five percent said that they had used it to send or organize prayer requests related to the war effort (Choney). The efficiency with which the pro-war movement utilized the internet cannot be determined accurately. The rallies for the war are significantly smaller than the anti-war protests; it is hard to determine if this is simply due to a lack of organization and infrastructure or due to a lack of underlying motivation."
This paper discusses that the United States and the international community should refrain from intervention into ethnic conflicts within sovereign nations except in the cases of extreme violence.
Abstract This paper defines international ethnic conflicts as disputes between communities within a sovereign nation that see themselves as having distinct rights over the power relationship between these communities, such as in Bosnia. The author believes that such ethnic conflicts should be monitored to identify a point at which it appears peace is deteriorating; and, at that time, substantial diplomatic effort should be expended to prevent further deterioration. The author concludes that only in cases of extreme violence should the United States and the international community rely on a military intervention to end the conflict.
From the Paper "The ambivalence in the American public's reaction to the international community's recent military intervention in Bosnia reveals a general ambivalence toward the use of military force where no tangible strategic interests are at risk. However, Milosevic did offer a tangible target against which the military force could be directed. The international community was able therefore to generate support against a common, identifiable enemy. Unfortunately, as Richard Betts points out, intervention in a civil war usually becomes an issue only when the sides are closely enough matched that neither can defeat the other quickly. Thus, in many cases, the international community may be unable to identify an enemy against whom they can rally support or they may be forced to wait until the situation deteriorates until choosing the better side becomes only a matter of degree. Unfortunately, the latter can often be the case in ethnic conflicts."
Tags: clinton, bosnia, community, deterioration, military
Abstract Using Michael Hunt's book "Crises in U.S. Foreign Policy" as a referral, this paper explains in detail why the U.S. involved itself in Iran's politics and what they hoped to achieve by involving themselves. The paper explains the rise of a highly powerful Iran that neglected its people and that would eventually fall, which completely undermined what the U.S. had thought they had accomplished.
From the Paper "Until the revolution of 1979, the United States saw Iran as the pivotal country for maintaining stability in a precarious Middle East. Iran provided a secure source of oil for the U.S. and its western European allies, as well as a way for the U.S. to contain the Soviet Union throughout the region. The U.S.'s plan to forcefully create a westernized state by use of an oppressive regime backfired with the Iranian Revolution of 1979. In effect, the U.S.'s efforts to establish direct political control in the Middle East resulted in the exact opposite of what it was hoping to achieve."
Abstract According to the writer, the basic cause of the war between Saddam Hussein's Iraq and the Allied Coalition led by the United States was Iraq's armed seizure of Kuwait in early August 1990. The paper traces the history of this occupation, then discusses the consequences which are explained in the paper as a military triumph by the United States and its allies and the removal of a serious threat to their vital interests.
From the Paper "A more immediate reason for Iraq's invasion of Kuwait was Iraq's financial situation at the end of the Iran-Iraq war. Iraq had prevailed against Iran largely because of financial assistance from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the other Gulf emirates. According to Hiro, Iraq emerged from the war with foreign debts to non-Arab nations of about $50.5 billion (three times its GDP), plus Gulf loans and credits of another $45 to $55 billion, including a debt to Kuwait of $14 billion. Iraq's ability to repay these debts was hampered by the declining world price of oil. At a series of meetings among the leaders of Arab countries in early 1990, Saddam Hussein demanded relief from this debt burden in form of lower oil production by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait which had exceeded their OPEC production quotas and tens of billions of dollars in cash payments from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the other Gulf states. At the final meeting between Iraq and Kuwait on July 31, 1990, Friedman said he demanded "$10 billion plus some territory and drilling rights." According to Friedman, the August 2, 1990 invasion was the equivalent of "a debtor canceling his debt by robbing the bank.""
Abstract The writer discusses the thesis that the United Nations is nothing but a reflection of the whole world and is a collective repository of our own ambitions, failures and deceit. The paper uses sources from recent conflicts to prove that nations should stop blaming the UN and start putting their own governments in order.
From the Paper "The role of peace keeping and peace building that the UN was entrusted with is enshrined in its Charter. The United Nations Charter states that the main objective of the United Nations is to spare future generations from the scourge of war, ?to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace. The rising number of armed conflicts is sending a strong message to the United Nations that if it were to continue to respond to international crises in an effective manner, it must maintain the process of review and reform its peacekeeping missions."
Abstract This paper presents the concept known as the security dilemma whereby an increase in one state's security produces a decrease in the security of other states. An example of this is seen in the situation which developed in the lead up to the first world war. The writer uses Robert Jervis and his work "Offense, Defense, and the Security Dilemma" as a reference point for many of the issues raised here. The writer also makes use of James Joll's "The Origins of the First World War" when referencing World War One as an example of the security dilemma.
From the Paper "The reason for the effect of the security dilemma is easily seen--when one state increases its security to a certain point, its neighbors feel less secure if they perceive the protective forces of the first state to be capable of attacking them. A more secure state is perceived to be a potentially more aggressive state, whether this is the case or not. The Cold War arms race was based in part on the security dilemma. Each side kept increasing its armaments because the other side was doing so, and any increase in the security of the other side meant a decrease in our own security."
Abstract Analytical essay which discusses and argues against the argument, by Samuel Huntington in "Clash of Civilizations", that a root cause of the conflicts between nations is differences in religious convictions. The essay also attempts to present the reasons why "Clash of Civilizations" received such severe rebuke by highlighting the loopholes in the author's reasoning.
From the Paper "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is the masterpiece by Samuel Huntington which is based on the author's view that the clash of distinct cultures and civilizations world over is the potential root cause of the reinvigorated conflicts between nations differing in religious convictions. Huntington considers this clash of religious faith to be the bane of the global peace thereby imposing augmented threat of tumult. The same is the author's thesis, which raises thought provoking questions as well as arguments the role of the world superpowers and challenges the foreign policy makers of particularly the West (Huntington)."
Abstract This paper focuses on Switzerland's foreign policy of armed neutrality during the 20th century. It details why the Swiss have remained neutral and why they have been successful in maintaining this policy when most countries were engaged in war. Switzerland remained neutral during both world wars in the 20th century because of their strong army, geographical advantages, strong will to enforce and protect their foreign policy and the benefits that their neutrality provides for other countries.
From the Paper "Switzerland has always turned to its army to protect its foreign policy and has one of the strongest armies considering its small size. Switzerland has more weapons per square mile than any other nation in Europe (Levy 66). Service in the military is universal and obligatory for all able-bodied male citizens (Milivojevic 25). Men from ages twenty to fifty must first attend initial training and then refresher training a few weeks per year (27). During peacetime, the army has 1500 regular troops, 18500 recruits, and 625,000 reserves (25). In addition to its large size, Switzerland is able to mobilize all of their troops in less than forty-eight hours (Meier 34)."
Abstract This paper looks at reasons why it has been difficult for many American companies to penetrate the Japanese export market in the past. It discusses how, over three decades, the Japanese laws and regulations created barriers to entry, by culturally binding allegiance and employing strategies such as cross-shareholding which favor keiretsu (local industrial groups). Officially, Japan's policy is to promote imports, but in practice this was often not the case. This paper focuses on how the American markets have been able to penetrate the Japanese markets with their sale of spirits.
From the Paper "As an island nation, Japan is a worldwide net importer due to its geographical limitations. Japan is America's largest overseas trading partner and the largest importer of U.S. agricultural products. With a gross domestic product of nearly $5 trillion, Japan's is the world's second largest economy. Japan's GDP is 70% of that of the U.S., while its population is roughly half. In 1996, the growth rate in Japan's economy was the highest in the developed world, at 3.6%. U.S. exports to Japan are greater than that of China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore combined, making Japan a prime Asian market for U.S. exports."
Abstract This paper discusses the difficulties faced by human rights groups in monitoring violations. It examines the problems in obtaining a truly universal measure for morality and ethical behavior and the fact that what one society sees as a human rights issue may not be deemed as such by another society. The writer examines why even defining human rights violations is controversial due to its subjectivity.
From the Paper "Attempts to impose a universal morality encounter resistance at various levels and may not be realistic, but we often make the effort. The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights embodies a conception of human rights that can be ascertained and compared to other approaches in the literature on the subject of human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is an example of quasi-legislation by non-binding instrument, something the United Nations has created for a number of different purposes. The Declaration was created in 1948. The fact that the United Nations would make a declaration on the issue of human rights is in keeping with the structure and genesis of the entire organization."
Abstract This paper takes the position that many of the policies taken in the name of homeland security amount to harassment. Instead of increasing security, these policies really only threaten to erode the United States? relationship with the rest of the world and, in the end, undermine the very ideals on which American democracy is built.
From the Paper "These new laws, however, have already affected legal immigration rates into the country. University officials, for example, report a significant drop in the number of foreign students in American colleges. Because of stringent visa requirements, many students are opting to study in other Western countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom and Australia. This translates to millions of dollars in lost revenue, since foreign students contribute nearly $12 billion to the United States economy each year (Paden and Singer)."
Abstract In this paper it is argued that the origins of the Cold War remain the subject of historical controversy. This paper critically examines how the Cold War began and the question of who started it. This paper argues the thesis that the question of who started the Cold War is irrelevant and that it was an inevitable outcome of the geo-political arrangement of the world in the 20th century. This essay also evaluates the two competing historical points of view on the Cold War: the so-called "orthodox" and "revisionist" schools.
Abstract Michael S. Sherry is a professor of history at Northwestern University. His research and writing focuses on the role played by military force and strategy in American foreign policy. His book, "The Rise of American Air Power: The Creation of Armageddon" won the 1988 Bancroft Prize in American history.
