Abstract This paper examines to what extent did strategic preparation for the Russo-Japanese War determine the success of the belligerents in its outcome. It also looks at which side did the better job of planning for the termination of the war. The paper shows that there is no doubt that the Japanese were more prepared than the Russians in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. While the Russians were trying to become an imperial nation without understanding the costs associated with being one, the Japanese drew up a plan to confront the Russians. The keystone to this plan included a naval buildup to control the seas surrounding Japan, and a system of alliances that would eliminate foreign intervention. In addition, Japan studied its enemy and devised a strategy that would cripple the Russian fleet and capture the Korean peninsula. The paper shows that the Russians had no plan except for the complete overthrow of Japan and its disarmament. While Russia did not use the tools necessary to win a decision, Japan planned and executed an almost flawless limited war against a much greater power.
Paper Outline
Introduction
The Seeds of War
Preparing for Battle
Balance of Power
Planning of the War
Termination of the War
Conclusion
Bibliography
From the Paper "As stated previously, Japanese strategists had studied the future conflict and made key assumptions. These assumptions focused on the fact that Japan had to prevent Russia from escalating the conflict and asserting its full strength in the war. Lastly, Japan would have to convince Russia that it could not win. It has already been seen that escalation would have been difficult as Russia was already diplomatically isolated and could not bring in new allies. In addition, Russian could not truly expand the war since Japan controlled the seas, and an attack on the Japanese islands was unlikely. Lastly, since Japan had limited objectives and never invaded Russian soil, the quantity and quality of Russian troops never developed."
Tags: mahan, sun, tzu, Manchuria, Vladivostok, Port, Arthur
Abstract This paper explains that food products from Greece are specialty and ethic delicacies in many of the Balkan countries and in Russia; however, the management styles employed by many of the Greek firms leave much to be desired. The author points out that Greek industries need to improve their strategies for business-to-business (B2B) operations and the customer relationship management (CRM). The paper stresses that failure of established companies in new markets often is not the result of poor product quality or performance, but rather the companies are using marketing and sales strategies that do not conform to the local ideas and values.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Literature Review
The Need for Diversification
Existing Conditions in Emerging Markets
Past Strategies for Entering Emerging Markets
Targeting and Understanding the Customer of Emerging Markets
Management and Worker Needs for Emerging Markets
Methodology
Discussion
Conclusion
From the Paper "The cost of products from Greece is not very much higher when compared to the other southeast European countries and Russia. The marketing infrastructure for foreign products is not very well developed and Greek companies wishing to do business in the region find partners and create alliances with local entrepreneurs. While Russia has opened its markets to foreign food products, government rules and sanctions still exist. Russia is a very large country and ensuring that products are distributed to all markets is practically impossible. As with any other industry having economies to scale in the food industry is also important."
Abstract This paper provides an overview of the history of the Ukraine for the past 15 years. The paper points out that this history helps understand the current political situation in Ukraine and the hurdles it faces before fully integrating into NATO and the EU.
From the Paper "Communist experience of Ukraine was the main break factor which prevented country from integration to Europe, free equal trade with western and eastern partners, military reform and other essential reforms of civil state. Pro-Russian parliamentarians, who were former members of the Communist party continued to be loyal to Russia and Russian domination in Eastern Europe, so they did their best in order to keep "warm relations with big brother" and did what Kremlin wanted them to do. For a decade Ukrainian politicians were lost what side to support: Russia's or the side of Europe. As a result of such corruptive and selfish political management Ukraine became backward country with ruined heavy industry and collapsing agricultural sector. Inflation reached unbelievable rate (100 000 % if compared to 1991) and average salary in the year of 2004 was approximately 100$ . But the problems of the country were not limited only to economical problems."
Abstract This paper explains that "nationalism", devotion to one's nation, a policy of national independence, has become kind of a "catch-phrase" for extreme patriotism. The author points out that Lenin's view of how nationalism, pride of country, was that it would simply take over and provide momentum for the new nation, which was formed out of the rubble of the October Revolution; he believed that ordinary working people could take power into their own hands and administer complex economic systems through a commune state. The paper stresses that nationalism in its extreme is a brutal political policy, where the head of government institutes strategies such as Lenin and Hitler did.
From the Paper "The Bolsheviks believed that they were "to be part of an international proletarian revolutionary movement." They were counting on their revolution in Russia sparking "similar revolutions throughout Europe," Fitzpatrick wrote. The Bolsheviks believed during the Civil War in the middle of 1918 that this was a "class war" (63), in international and in domestic terms. It was, to the Bolsheviks, a war against the Russian bourgeoisie brought by the Russian proletariat, and a war of international revolution "against international capitalism"."
Abstract This essay discusses the circumstances surrounding the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 8, 1991. During this time, the Soviet Union was formally disbanded, and the world was forever changed. The essay explores the historical significance and political implications of this event. The essay also focuses on the formal conclusion of the Cold War and how this changed the international political structure.
From the Paper "On December 8, 1991, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine, and the Byelorussian republics met in the sylvan solitude of Belovezhskaya Pushcha to discuss the fate of the Soviet Union. At the end of the day, the leaders declared the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union and the new formation of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States). Little did they know that this pivotal decision would alter the political landscape of the entire world. The historic edict paved the way for a unipolar world in which democratic systems of government would dominate world politics and international trade. As the Soviet Union quickly dissipated, the arms race slowed considerably and neared a halt. The Communist backbone of Asia, held together by Moscow, split and severed into several independent countries and republics."
Abstract This paper reviews Romanian history, details its people, location, and climate, and then delves into the issues outlined in the United Nations' millennium goals. Charts on approximately 20 different measures of health, economic well-being, technology, education and gender relations are included; current health issues are explored and changes proposed.
From the Paper "Slightly larger than the state of Michigan, Romania is a republic in Southeastern Europe, bordered by Ukraine, Bulgaria, Hungary, Yugoslavia, and the Black Sea. The Danube River defines Romania's border with Bulgaria and much of Yugoslavia, while the Carpathian Mountains separate it from Hungary and Ukraine. Much of interior Romania contains lowlands and large saltwater lagoons, offshoots of the Black Sea (Carter 18). Far from being the gray wasteland the West often pictures, Romania experiences hot summers and cold winters, with recorded averages ranging from 95 degrees Fahrenheit in August to 15 degrees below zero during the coldest parts of the year. Romania's average annual rainfall ranges between 20 and 40 inches; for purpose of comparison, Lexington, Kentucky has an average annual rainfall of 44 inches (NART)."
Abstract A detailed paper that outlines the history, rise, fall and death of Josef Stalin in Soviet Russia. It contains the first-hand account of capture and imprisonment in a gulag by the author's grandfather, a Polish citizen at the time.
Paper Outline:
The Man
The Ascendance
The Terror
The War
The End
From the Paper "Iosif Vissarionovich Djugashvili was born December 21, 1879 in Gori, Georgia; a small agricultural town situated about one hundred miles east of the Black Sea. Iosif was the son of an alcoholic cobbler and a pious peasant woman. He grew up with no siblings, because the families' first three children had died shortly after birth. Consequently, young Iosif was treasured by his mother who made great sacrifices throughout her life for him. An extremely hard-working woman, Yekaterina Djugashvili worked as a domestic servant to augment her husband's meager earnings. However, even the parents' combined incomes were not enough to keep the small family above the poverty line."
Tags: Social, Democratic, Party, communism, Iosif, Leon, Trotsky
Abstract This paper looks at market socialism - a theory that advocated an amalgamation of capitalism (specifically the free market) and socialism. It discusses when and why market socialism came into being and how it fits in with Marxist ideas about the market. It also examines the effect of the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe and in particular, where Yugoslavia fits into socialist theory.
From the Paper "The critique of real existing socialism resulted in some socialists adapting existing theories (e.g. market socialists) while other academics saw the failure of state socialism as an indication that socialism was finished: 'It is the failure of both the political right and the left to disentangle the concepts of private ownership and the competitive market that has led to the premature obituaries for socialism.' 'A reasonable person might expect that recent events in eastern Europe would put this proposal [market socialism] to permanent and well-deserved rest.' With the failure of Soviet style socialism, market socialists saw an opportunity to improve on Marxism by incorporating the market into socialist theory. "
Abstract This paper argues that NATO intervention to Kosovo opened a new era for the UN-based international system. It looks at how this intervention can be considered a part of new interventionism in the post-Cold War era, which is aiming to reconstruct failed states and is justified on political and moral grounds. It discusses how although NATO members tried to justify their action on humanitarian grounds, they failed in their humanitarian objective. It was the first major bombing campaign intended to bring a halt to crimes against humanity being committed by a state within its borders, but it also created more disastrous humanitarian effects.
Outline
Introduction
The Historical Background of the Kosovo Problem
The International Efforts for Solving the Kosovo Crisis
Holbrooke-Milosevic Negotiations
Rambouillet Negotiations
The NATO Intervention
The Debates on Humanitarian Intervention
The Place of NATO Intervention to Kosovo Among the Interventions in 1990s
The Reconstruction of "Failed States"
The New Interventionism and the Legality of the Kosovo Intervention
Different Perceptions of States
Conclusion
Bibliography
From the Paper "Before the crisis, Kosovo was a small territory in Europe with a population of only two million. But later on it became the focus of the most serious international conflict of the last years of the twentieth century. The problem in Kosovo dates back to the nineteenth century but assumed an international significance with the dissolution of Yugoslavia. After the suppression of Kosovo's autonomy but Slobodan Milosevic in 1989-90 conflicts started in the territory. Later with the acts of Serbian forces and Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA-UCK in Albanian initials) in Kosovo in late 1997 and during 1998 provided the context for direct intervention by external powers, which resulted in the NATO-led war and occupation of Kosovo in 1999. This intervention also contributed to the most serious international conflict of the post-Cold War period, threatening to undermine the grounds for consensus and cooperation between the great powers, mostly between the West and China and Russia."
Abstract This paper discusses George F. Kennan's article, "The Sources of Soviet Conduct". The paper examines how this piece of writing helped shape the American Foreign Policy toward Moscow. The paper contends that the article shows a profound understanding of some of the political realities that characterized the international relations immediately after the Second World War.
From the Paper "The policy of containment appeared from the necessity to fill the prospective void in the relations between the Western powers and its former Soviet allies, as the two parties became clearly involved on different sides of the Iron Curtain. The Cold War implied new rules and conflict regulations, especially given the new weapons characteristics (the Soviets would be producing their first A-bomb in 1949). Although the principle of assured mutual destruction was a policy that had many proselytes during a certain period of time, the policy of containment seemed not only more reasonable, but also more constructive. One of the main theoreticians setting the basis for containment was George Kennan, in his article "The Sources of Soviet Conduct"."
Abstract This paper discusses the difficulty of the establishment of a European identity, questioning whether any European identity can be formed at all. The paper explains that the present union consists of a large number of member states and all these states have existed for a long time and have distinct national identities. The paper examines the basic question of whether a European demos and identity can be formed and how that will compete with the existing national identities. The paper also questions whether a "new" European identity will change the national identities and if so, how much of a change is really required. The paper presents the belief that the nature of identity for Europe cannot be the same as a national identity, as the nations have been formed through struggle for recognition for a particular culture, history, language and identity.
Outline
Introduction
Policy Making & Agenda Setting
Enlargement
A European Constitution
Conclusion
From the Paper "The formation of nations can be started from the top of society by the elites, or through different types of social movements or other organized action. In all cases the start of a separate nation involves recognition for a particular national community in the world around the community. This recognition is received by the people who are a part of the group, or are made a part of the group. For Europe to be viewed as a nation, there has to be recognition of some unique features of being a European, and that has to be of history, culture and language. This has to be recognized by the Europeans. The search for cultural unity has to be combined with a search for the unique and separate features of Europe so that the Europeans can distinguish themselves from non-Europeans. This makes it unlikely that there will be a European identity similar to that of a nation. Instead one has to look for a European identity that can exist above the national identity."
Abstract When one considers the disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) one is compelled to explore the questions of why the disintegration was so violent and how does it continue to challenge stability across the rest of the continent and indeed the world? For some the answers are rather surprising and indeed many of them are shocking when the recent and continuing war in the Balkans is seen in its totality. In order to compress the information insofar as one may to fit our allotted space the study has four basic parts. First the historic background, second the triggering mechanisms of the current conflict, third a discussion of the greater reasons, and fourth why the lack of a full settlement of the issues still impacts the world.
Thesis Statement
The Historical Background
The Triggering Mechanisms of the Current Crisis
The Greater Reasons for the Conflict
The Continued Impact on the Region and World
From the Paper "The new administration has pledged to accomplish these goals however with other issues such as education, tax-cuts and dealing with a troublesome economy the priority for making the changes becomes a shadowy timetable to establish. Many other factors are involved too from the U. S. point of view verses our partners in the Western Intervention Alliance. For example, the time lag that comes into play anytime an administration changes. Add to this the different thrusts in establishing a workable foreign policy and one readily observes the new Secretary of State is indeed going to be a very busy person."
Abstract This paper explains that, after the collapse of the once all-powerful communist system in the Soviet Union in 1991, the natural progression seemed to be the prompt absorption of Russia into Europe; however, despite Russia's attempt to adopt a central government, the enlargement of negotiations with the European Union and the fact that most Russians want this integration, it hasn't happened. The author points out that geography is a major reason because (1) Russia, the world's largest country and more than twice the size of the entire continent of Europe, is seen by the European countries to be overpowering and (2) the border countries of eastern Europe--Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Poland-are now strongly anti-communist. The paper contends that the most important reason that this merger has not yet happened is because of (1) the difference in normative values, including psychological characteristics, behavioral patterns and cultural orientations, and of (2) Europe's remaining conception of Russia as an intimidating military "superpower".
From the Paper "The security issue is two-fold, as well. In fact, there is a growing apprehension in Russia that Europe may come to dominate Russia economically, and may exclude it from the life of Europe and deny Russia access to Eastern Europe and former parts of the USSR, and that a new "encirclement of the Motherland" may start forming. These worries are not limited to the extremist camp and are spreading through the entire establishment of the Russian Federation. Many believe that this will lead to a new division of the continent, which is dangerous to peace and Russian development."
This paper presents a detailed account of the international public law case of "Yugoslavia vs. Belgium et. al." 1999, which resulted from their intervention into the Serbian conflict.
Abstract This paper explains that, although one of the most publicized and recent examples of genocide in Northern Europe was related to the break-up of the country of Yugoslavia, the history of the division among the two ethnic groups, the Slavic Christian Serbo-Croatians and the Islamic Turks, goes back almost a 1000 years. The author points out that Slobodan Milosevic was so determined to maintain control over Yugoslavia and its related provinces that he brought all of the NATO countries to the World Court over their decision to use military force against the human rights violations. The paper states that the World Court denied Yugoslavia's request to order ten NATO countries to halt their bombing because (1) it had no jurisdiction in the case and (2) refused to let Yugoslavia stretch the concept of genocide beyond its proper bounds. Several long quotes.
From the Paper "Yugoslavia, being both the Applicant and the State seeking provisional measures, would speak first, addressing its requests for the indication of provisional measures in respect of all the cases. Yugoslavia would be followed by the individual Respondents, each of which would address the case to which it was Party for the purposes of these cases. The Respondents would be heard in their English alphabetical order, which was also the order in which the various cases had been entered on the Court's General List. These practical arrangements were without prejudice to any subsequent decision by the Court, pursuant to Article 47 of its Rules, at any time to direct that proceedings be joined, or to direct common action in respect of one or more elements of the proceedings pending before it."
Abstract This paper explains that the future of the the European Monetary Union (EMU) is questionable because the leaders of the EMU and the world have some grave doubts as to its future; however, there is a never-ending stream of applications of new nations, mostly from Eastern Europe, wishing to join. The author points out that the problems revolve around the issues of (1) determining the size of the role of the welfare state; (2) the conflict about monetary policies, led by the United Kingdom and (3) corruption within member nations. The paper suggest that the resolution of the welfare issues through such mechanisms as a community's insurance is unlikely given (1) the cost, (2) the risk factors, (3) the macro-economic factors and (4) the failure of some of the countries already within the EMU to resolve their own individual country's welfare issues.
Table of Contents
Introduction and the State of Knowledge
Empirical Findings
Conclusions
From the Paper "Developments towards more segmented welfare states or dual welfare states are likely, although national governments may still maintain regulatory and taxation tools to control the growth of market based and other non-governmental welfare provisions in such a way that universal access to quality welfare provision and relatively equal distributions of income and welfare is possible. This will remain domestic policy issues and choices for which national governments to a large extent can be held politically accountable. But the social and political bases for state organized solidarity. Likewise, new forms of solidarity may develop on a trans-national or trans-regional basis where state boundaries will to a lesser extent than before constrain or limit such solidarity from developing."
