Abstract Focuses on THE NEW YORK TIMES coverage of genocide in the Balkan regions & Slobodan Milosevic. TIMES articles on human rights violations, murders and the evenutal trials. Analysis of TIMES stories on capture & detention of Milosevic. Serbia and American aid. Coverage of the war crimes trials. Overall lack of interest of American public.
From the Paper "Milosevic, Human Rights and the New York Times
For some generations now, American diplomacy has attempted to focus on human rights. Now, there is a dearth of outstanding American diplomats and a public which has other interests on their mind. For example, while much of the European press spends column after column on the Balkans, and now the genocide trials in The Hague, as far as the American press is concerned, he current problems of human rights, in Kosovo, Serbia, Croatia and now at the International Court at the Hague, are limited to a few sound bites, and some human interest stories of horror, survivors, and the desire for revenge in that region. It is therefore up to the nation's leading newspapers, like the New York TIMES, to provide more details and consistent coverage for the few who are truly interested and involved. In following some stories..."
Abstract Examines era of the 1990s as a complicated transitional period from Communism to political democracy. Problems of changing a unitary state into a federalist democracy; inability to collect taxes, economic stagnantion. The influence of the Russian Mafia. Examines growth of organized crime and its control of business companies. Democracy as an outside force.
From the Paper From Communism to Political Democracy. The Russian Experience
Introduction:
The entire development of Russia starting in 1990 until today has been a complicated transitional period: the transformation of a unitary state into a federalist democracy.
Democracy has been hurt by many of Boris Yeltsin's economic reforms. His attempt to move from public to private ownership was fraught with problems. During the last five years of Yeltsin's presidency, domestic production dropped 41 percent and unemployment rose 7 percent. Rampant inflation..which caused prices to rise as much as 2,500 percent..has at times made food and other necessities unaffordable. Statistics show that 20 percent of Russians are now living under the official poverty level. Some Russians wish for the days of Communism where at..."
Abstract Discusses the 1995 DPA that ended the Civil War in Bosnia. Division of Bosnia into the Serb Republic and the Federation (Muslim-Croat). DPA successful in peace keeping but ineffective in consensus building. High ethnic animosity. Issue of war crimes. Factors that act against reunification of Bosnia.
From the Paper "The principal achievement of the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords (DPA) was the cessation of the civil war in Bosnia. The peace has been maintained for nearly six years, but this is only because of the presence of large numbers of U.S. and coalition troops. Some DPA objectives have barely begun to be accomplished. The return of minority refugees to various parts of the country, for instance, has been extremely slow and has met with resistance from potential returnees and those who drove them out in the first place. Ethnic animosity has remained extremely high according to most reports and this is mirrored in the perpetual instability of the central government of the Republic now known as Bosnia-Herzegovina. Despite the successful maintenance of peace the Dayton Accords offer very little in the way of a viable framework for reuniting Bosnia into an ..."
Abstract This paper examines the social, political, and economic issues that have affected Germany since the 1990 reunification. It looks at the hardships that face the government in trying to bring together the decrepit society of East Germany with the modern industrial economy of West Germany. The writer addresses issues such as unemployment, increased far-right activity, the European Union, internal political problems and the country's stance on abortion.
From the Paper "The initial excitement led to unrealistic expectations, both in the west and the east. For East Germans, unification meant they would have the same political freedom and standard of living found in West Germany. The government of a unified Germany could give the former without great difficulty. As for the latter, West Germany deluded itself into believing that it could raise East Germany's standard of living with the same ease (Edinger & Nacos, 1998, pp. 16-17).
Thus, during the spring of 1990, many politicians and planners in West Germany focused on the deprivation faced by East German consumers. Western policymakers assumed that an infusion of cash into the former East Germany would pump up consumer spending and jump-start that region's economy. They also assumed that greater buying power would stem the flow of refugees and entice many to return to East Germany. Hundreds of thousands had fled East Germany before the fall of the Berlin Wall, precipitating the crisis that brought down the East German government (Maier, 1997, pp. 230-233)."
Tags: political, social, economic, europe, abortion, umemployment, east, west, berlin
This paper analyzes the banking industry in the United States from the mid-18th through mid-19th century in order to understand the evolution of the banking industry in Europe's developing economies in the 20th century.
Abstract This paper presents four potential dangers to banks in emerging markets and relates them to the lessons of the founding banking system of the United States: Macroeconomic volatility, connected lending, political involvement and financial liberalization. This paper discusses that the emerging banking industries in Eastern Europe must learn to operate in an objective environment free from burdensome and often disastrous government control; just as, the ever-present tension in the United States between government policy and banking policy ensured the banking industry's objectivity. This paper argues that the primary cause of the banking crisis in Eastern Europe was the banks' decision to allow financiers with little experience and even less capital to set up their own banks.
Table of Contents
Introduction
European Economies and the Evolution of the U.S. Banking Industry
Macroeconomic Volatility
Connected Lending
Government Involvement
Financial Liberalization
Conclusion
From the Paper "The insistence by the American chief executive in the mid 18th to mid 19th century to keep separate government policy from banking policy has not been demonstrated in the communist economies of Eastern Europe. The second major crisis factor for these economies has been connected (or insider) lending, particularly in Russia. Though not unheard of in rich countries, connected lending is a more serious problem in emerging countries, where supervisors are less rigorous about rooting it out. The Economist maintains that connected lending has recently caused serious problems where unscrupulous businessmen have found it easy to set up banks simply to finance their other companies' pet projects. Thus, at many Russian banks, the personal ambitions of owners and managers still come before the prudent assessment of lending risks. Loans to related companies are rarely made on an arm's length basis and tend to be granted at below-market rates, with scant credit vetting."
Abstract This paper describes in detail American relations with Russia in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, focusing on the "Gorbachev years" as the first stage of a multi-pronged analysis of an evolutionary American foreign policy. It provides some insight into how the Russian political situation has effected and may continue to effect the future of the relationship. It focuses primarily upon Russia itself and not upon American relations with the other fourteen states that have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union. As needed, however, and where the relationships with such states as Ukraine or Lithuania overlap with American involvement with Russia itself, these issues are addressed.
The first of the three sections of the paper demonstrates that while it may be true that some opportunities for a profitable mutual involvement have, in fact, been missed due to U.S. inaction or indecision or uncertainty, enormous opportunities remain available. The report draws upon literature to indicate how U.S. initiatives have been undertaken, their effects and the Russian response. A background analysis of the relationships of the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War and America's own position as a hegemon are provided. The second section of the paper deals with the Yeltsin years and the final section with the current state of the United States/Russian relationship.
Subtitles:
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
Introduction
Background of the Relationship
The Collapse of the Soviet Union
The Yeltsin Regime
Overview
The Russian Situation Under Yeltsin
The Economic Issue
The Yeltsin Collapse Begins
Effects of Regionalism
Critical U.S. Policy Initiatives
The Current State of Affairs
The End of the Yeltsin Era
Putin
Future Directions of U.S. Policy
From the Paper "Nevertheless, the world in the absence of the Soviet Union is not a world fully at peace. The Middle East and portions of Africa remained troubled and potentially explosive, requiring an American military and security response, perhaps via the continued U.S. participation in multilateral peacekeeping and other military activities of the United Nations. Containment, as a policy doctrine, remains critical in certain of these cases such as that presented by the Middle East. A long-term American policy of supporting those governments and/or movements most likely to in turn be supportive of democratic systems should be continued, regardless of the political orientation of the President and the Congress (Kennedy, 1987)."
Tags: Cold, War, McCarthy, Yuri, Andropov, Brezhnev, Clinton, NATO
Abstract This research examines the reasons behind Lenin's adoption of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921 in the wake of the Soviet revolution in 1917. The research sets forth the principal elements of the NEP and the context in which it emerged as an issue for the Bolshevik/Communist government. It then explores the literature of the Soviet state with a view toward identifying factors that positioned Lenin to promulgate the policy. The paper includes an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper "War Communism formally placed industrial and agricultural production as well as trade and prices under state control. As a practical matter that meant that agrarian peasants' cash crops (and sometimes foodstuffs, Lenin admits) were appropriated by the state (for cash, says Lenin) to "meet the requirements of the army and sustain workers" (quoted in Fischer and Marek, 1972, p. 146). Fischer and Marek (1972, p. 146) quote Lenin's description of War Communism as a "makeshift" response to "the war and the ruin," a necessary exercise in proletariat leadership of all society from bourgeoisie to peasantry, to guarantee the ultimate socialist victory."
Abstract This paper provides a step-by-step event analysis of the attack on Armenia's parliament. It looks at the various report of the event and how these differed from each other. It also discusses the ramification of this attack on the political situation in Armenia and how this affected the country's stability.
From the Paper "Among those killed were Prime Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan and the parliamentary speaker, Karen S. Demirchyan, both of whom were leaders of the Unity political bloc, which won the Armenian elections in June. While it might be assumed that they had not been in power long enough to make many enemies, this was apparently not so. One of the gunmen was identified by eyewitnesses as Nairi Umanyan, a former journalist and extreme nationalist, and also identified were two of the other terrorists, reportedly related to Umanyan. Witness said Umanyan accused officials of "drinking our blood" (Dixon A1)."
This paper discusses the union movement in Poland which developed into a major social and political force under the heading Solidarnosc, or Solidarity, after 1980.
Abstract The paper traces the roots of the movement back to the election of Wladyslaw Gomulka to head the Polish United Workers Party (PUWP). According to the writer, this helped pave the way for the strengthening of the movement and prepared the workers for the changes to come. The paper outlines the political repercussions of this movement.
From the Paper "Gomulka was born into a working-class family in 1905 and became a Communist leader of the trade union left, and he returned to the political scene after being released from prison in 1956. The reforms he promised never came to pass, though, for being a traditional Communist, he believed that a centrally controlled, one-party state would be the only way to insure Socialism, and decentralization of the industrial systems would hinder efforts to achieve this. Gomulka failed to deliver on his word to the workers and the intelligentsia, who wanted to liberalize the economic, cultural, and religious practices of Poland. According to the Polish student newspaper Po Prostu, the goal of the workers and the intelligentsia was "to bring about a radical transformation of the Stalinist model of Socialism to a Polish model, genuinely Socialist"(MacShane 33). Gomulka did not accept this ideal as expected, and it became apparel that such a radical goal could not be achieved in Gomulka's traditional one-party system."
Abstract This research paper traces the evolution of American involvement in and international strategy toward Bosnia during the period beginning with the outbreak of war among indigenous forces there in early 1992 and continuing to the present time. It begins by discussing the war in Bosnia and U.S. international strategy after the end of the Cold War. It then discusses Bush's strategy vis-a-vis Bosnia and Clinton administration non-strategy. The writer then addresses the reassertion of American leadership in 1994-95 and concludes the implementation of the Dayton Accords.
From the Paper "The international strategy of any nation contains three elements: its foreign policy (ends or goals) and the means used to achieve those goals (foreign policy means, including the use of diplomacy, the threat of or use of military power, and economic tools, such as foreign aid, trade, etc.), as permitted or constrained by foreign policy resources (including the sinews of national economic and military capacity and strength, and intangible sources of national power, such as international prestige and reputation, national will and public support). International strategy consists of three basic elements or components: global strategy, regional strategy and strategy toward a particular nation or state. The primary thesis of this paper is that the United States failed for at least four years to develop and, therefore, implement through appropriate use of diplomacy and military force an effective international strategy for dealing with the Bosnian war because it suffered from confusion as to its basic objectives there and a lack of conviction that its vital interests were involved. Even today, four years after the signing of the Dayton Accords, legitimate questions can be raised as to whether American policy makers, the Congress or the American public sufficiently appreciate the long-term nature of the commitments they have undertaken in Bosnia and whether they are prepared to stay the course long enough to complete them."
Abstract This paper briefly compares the Vietnam and Korean Wars and discusses how these were the start of a new style of war fought by the Americans after the Second World War. It discusses how the Russians and the Americans were placed on opposite sides of these wars and the ideological differences (the Cold War) that lead to the formation of these superpowers.
From the Paper "The Cold War is the name given to the era after World War II as tensions between East and West increased and coalesced around issues of ideology and fear of nuclear war. The Cold War arguably added to those tensions rather than reducing them until the era ended with the breakup of the Soviet Union. Much of American foreign policy since World War II has been shaped around anti-Communism, and it has only been recently with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakup of the Soviet Union that America has found itself without a clearly identified enemy. In the 1950s, anti-Communism was bound with ideas of tradition, family values, and the protection of the American way of life. Yet, two images of the world seemed at odds in this era--on the one hand, a world torn by strife and threatened by Communism, and on the other, the American world of affluent families living in freedom and equality."
Abstract This paper discusses the diplomatic tug-of-war that followed the January 2000 cyanide spill that began in Romania and entered the Tisza River in Hungary through the greater Danube River system. The paper shows that throughout the affair, both Romania and Hungary emphasized the need for clear, defined international legal agreements that would govern responsibility in the case of a transboundary environmental catastrophe. It also shows how, Romania used the absence of such an agreement to defend its position that it was free of liability in the matter.
From the Paper "The Tisza River catastrophe, aside from yielding irreversible ecological damage to the river basin area, has had severe repercussions for Romanian-Hungarian relations. While Romania and Hungary, both with designs on joining the European Union and attracting increased foreign investment, attempted to create an image of cooperation in dealing with the disaster, relations between the two countries became strained over issues of blame. The Hungarian government was vague in its demand for compensation, noting that it might not be able to hold the Austrian firm involved in the spill directly responsible. Even Hungary's position on whether to sue Romania was initially uncertain. A desire to promote an international image of stability led both countries to downplay the disaster and cloak the international dispute, but at the same time the Hungarian government had to contend with an outraged Hungarian population."
Tags: eastern, europe, Esmeralda, Exploration, AURUL, Baia, Mare
Abstract This paper traces the political life and views of Vaclav Havel, 1989 President of Czechoslovakia and President of the newly formed Czech Republic in 1993. The paper examines Havel's life-long struggle against classical dictatorship and analyzes his views on the subject in his work ?Power of the Powerless.? It looks at the terms classical dictatorship and post-totalitarian dictatorship and compares the two.
From the Paper "It superficially appears that both system types benefit from certain aspects of the system. In the case of a classical dictatorship, the strength of the system is might. Without use of force to suppress any opposition and open interpretation of law to determine crimes against the state, the dictator loses respect drawn mostly from a compromise of fear mixed with compliance. In the Post-Totalitarian system, centralization is the strengthening force. There is a State power structure to answer to and work with bureaucratically. The State is a sort of bastard mother or wet nurse who provides for her children while answering to their father world."
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to introduce and discuss the book "Generations of Winter," by Vassily Aksyonov. Specifically, it discusses the author's background, and how the work reflects the political and social environment of the time. Aksyonov was familiar with the atrocities of socialist Russia firsthand. He spent time in Russian prisons and was expelled from his country because of his writing. The paper shows that the history of Russia is full with such stories of oppression and censor and "Generations of Winter" recounts only some of these atrocities and how they affect the people of Russia, with pathos, humor and insight.
From the Paper "Aksyonov writes in "Generations of Winter" of some of the excesses and terror of the Stalin regime, and does so with humor and candor. "In 1951, [after this first book in a trilogy takes place] Mr. Aksyonov points out, the slave-labor force within the Soviet Union exceeded 14 million. 'To the camps were sent even the bumblers who showed up late for work - in other words, who committed a crime that amounted to sabotage of reconstruction'" (Jacoby 35).
His book is an ideal example of the political and social environment of the times. There was extreme unrest in Russia, people were revolting against the government, and then war struck. Lives were uncertain and distorted forever because of the war, and because of the brutality of the Stalin regime. By following the lives of this family and their friends and lovers, Aksyonov shows first hand the lack of political and personal freedoms, how the people were always afraid, and how they realized their lives would never return to the good times of pre-communist Russia."
Abstract This paper provides a brief look at the history of Poland and then focuses on its current political and economic status. It explains that the country is set to become a full EU member by mid 2004 and examines what conditions and criteria the country needs to meet and uphold in order for this to occur.
From the Paper "Among the ten prospective members of the European Union Specified by the Nice conference, Poland bears the distinction of both having the largest population at 38.6 million, and the largest GDP at 176 billion. From 1997 through 2001, the Polish economy has grown at a steady 4.1% a year and is in many ways beginning to resemble its new western partners rather than its still-troubled eastern neighbors. (Economist, Jul. 29, 2002) Despite this, Poland differs from the traditional continental powers in several distinct ways. Perhaps most unique is the Republic's relationship with the United States."
