Abstract The paper discusses how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), under its leader Mao Zedong, took control of China in 1949. The paper describes how, within a year, it had consolidated its control, and it continued to maintain control during the Maoist Era (1949-1976). The paper further discusses how, to maintain control, the CCP use a variety of methods. The paper analyzes their political methods of control, including emphasizing campaigns, role models and the bandwagon effect; and their ideological methods, including a heavy emphasis on community ideology and class theory. All of this was underpinned by massive use of brute force.
Abstract This paper discusses the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) policy toward women in the 1920s and 1930s and how it evolved over time. The paper specifically discusses the Provisional Constitution of 1931, which was the first document to outline the CCP policy towards women, the Marriage Regulations of 1931, the Marriage Law of April 8th 1934, and CCP policy towards women relating to economic production, as well as why and how these policies were implemented. The paper also looks at how, in spite of the CCP's commitment to pushing forward a radical program for women which would ensure their equality, attention to marriage and land reform regulations was neglected or subordinated to the main task of the military and revolutionary struggle of the Soviets.
From the Paper "The Marriage Law of April 8th 1934 abolished the regulations of 1931 and differed quite strikingly. For example, instead of the man having to support the woman in cases of divorce like in the Regulations, the marriage law stated that only if a woman lacked the capacity to work or did not have a definite occupation was the man to support her and if the man lacked that capacity then the provision would not occur. Notions surrounding motherhood and parenting seemed to have changed during the three years between these pieces of legislation, in that the woman now, unless she stipulated otherwise was obliged to raise the children. This probably arose out of the need of the CCP who needed men to join the Red Army and so could not have men in the soviets tied down with the responsibility of bringing up children. "
Abstract The modern Chinese history under Mao Zedong is often perceived as a one-dimensional, iron-fisted rule by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) led by Mao. The truth, of course, is not so simple or one-dimensional. It is true that Mao was a larger-than-life figure who was raised to a godlike status through the personality cult built around him. The paper points out that, at the same time, Mao was an incorrigible revolutionary, which in itself ensured that there would never be a dull moment as long as he was in power. Although defying Mao's thoughts in China was a hazardous occupation while he lived, differences of opinion and expression of alternate visions within the CCP about how the country should be governed were not totally absent, even during Mao's lifetime. This paper examines some of the major policy campaigns launched by the CCP during 1949-1980, the difference of opinion or alternate visions expressed by a few, and the consequences they had to face.
From the Paper "In order to understand the dynamics of Communist China, it is worthwhile to briefly examine the background of the Communist movement and see how it came to China. China was a formerly great continental empire ruled by a weakened monarchy in the early part of the 20th century. A republican revolution in 1911 brought an end to the monarchic rule but the country remained beset with internal troubles and foreign interference. Japan, with its imperialist ambitions, sought to make China its protectorate, while local warlords in the country all but made a central government, irrelevant. China entered the World War I on the side of the Allies, hoping to halt the Japanese ambitions on its territory, but was badly let down at the Treaty of Versailles. In such a political environment, a group of Chinese intellectuals?inspired by the October 1917 Communist revolution in Russia, formed the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1921. Initially, the Communists joined the Kuomintang nationalists (KMT) who led a fight against the warlords to reunify the country."
This paper discuses two Chinese media articles about the agricultural situation in 1960 as examples of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) use of propaganda.
Abstract This paper explains that, until the 1970s, sinologists and others studied the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) media for clues as to what might be occurring in Mainland China of which there was much conjecture. The author compares the reports from two 1960 CCP media releases, which were prepared for the national Chinese audience by the People's Republic of China (PRC), with what is now known about the terrible Communist planning error in the agricultural sector during the late 1950s and early 1960s. The paper concludes that all media materials from Beijing were expected to be propaganda; therefore, the Chinese public became adept at discerning what really might be happening. The author stresses that this reflective habit is still practiced in the PRC, despite much liberalization of the mass media.
Table of Contents
Introduction
'Go to the First Line of Agriculture!'
'Advance Payment of Wages Every Month Stimulates Enthusiasm of the CCP'
Mao's Famine
Concluding Discussion
From the Paper "The article seems to fit with a great deal that appeared through the month of September 1960 to do with agricultural gains, work still to be done, the potential for China to become a kind of agrarian paradise, and general applause for the rural laborer. In the article discussed, rural toil is said to be very good for cadres who may still be bureaucrats or people otherwise not yet exposed to the soil. Readers in the cities, or for that matter in Hong Kong or Taiwan or wherever else refugees from the Communist state had fled, had reason to wonder what was meant by the "transfer of large numbers of cadres ..."
Abstract The paper looks at the ideas of Daniel C. Lynch in his article "Dilemmas of Thought Work in Fin de Siecle China", Gordon White in "Riding the Tiger" and Feng Chen in "Rebuilding the Party's Normative Authority." The paper discusses how these writers show that those who anticipated capitalism as the bringer of democracy did not understand the largely administrative but also intellectual role played by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as well as the low expectations of the Chinese regarding the CCP. The paper explains how all three articles show signs of the CCP attempting to show its sovereignty, but is challenged by ordinary Chinese indifference.
Outline:
Introduction
Daniel C. Lynch
Gordon White
Feng Chen
Analysis and Conclusion
From the Paper "Daniel Lynch reviewed the nature of thought-work in the People's Republic of China (PRC) at the end of the 20th century and explained the failure of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to regain control over thought-work or to build the long promised socialist-spiritual civilization for which the Chinese masses were instructed to be patient, for so very long. Society and culture in the PRC have changed radically since the rise of Chinese capitalism in relation to the forces of Globalization. Gordon White wrote on ideological decay as one price of the Reform Era's economic and social changes, what seemed a mere shift to a mixed economy in 1978 taking on all sorts of mammoth changes through the later 1980s and 1990s to make much CCP ideology irrelevant. Feng Chen referred to the CCP as an institution that was under renovation and which described itself as the proper normative authority. However, as all three agree, the role of the CCP and Beijing has been more and more concerned with ordinary administration and laws and policies serving the all-important business sector."
Abstract This paper discusses the legacies of the paths to power. The author finds that these paths affected nearly every facet of the PRC's politics. The paper reports that many continuities linked the pre-1949 era with post-1949 developments.
Abstract This paper examines domestic as well as international factors to argue that the CCP is on its last leg. Arguments ranging from ancient cultural facets of Chinese society to increased desire for democracy in the populous (due to the western pop culture influx) bodes badly for the strict communist party.
From the Paper "Despite the urgency of the aforementioned hindrances, the most general and yet most important amongst the obstacles facing communist China today is the lack of credibility and trust the government has with its citizens. The abovementioned corruption and discord, combined with a tendency to deceive and forcefully repress, causes a lack of confidence in the government: "China ruthlessly maintains a single-party dictatorship ...there is very little wiggle room for critics of the system, and no toleration of advocates of Western-styles freedom and democracy...[and it plays] the "nationalism card" to buttress flagging legitimacy"7. "
A detailed examination of the motives behind the united front policy in Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution and in China during the Communist Revolution.
Abstract This paper analyzes the political background and history of the united front policy in the Soviet Union in the early 20th century and subsequently in China after the formation of the communist parties, as well as the alliance between the Soviet and Chinese communist governments. The writer describes how the Bolsheviks turned to China to continue the world revolution and how Lenin's military and economic support of Sun Yat-sen helped to ally the two main communist parties in China at that time. However, with Stalin's rise to power, the Russian Comintern began to direct the Chinese revolution not so much to ensure its victory but rather to secure their alliance with China. This ultimately led to the destruction of the CCP.
Outline:
Chapter One:
Why Was The United Front Entered Into?
Wider Foreign Policy Implications of the Soviet Union
Leninist Strategy on the Colonial Question - Alliances with Bourgeois Groups
Benefits of the Alliance to the CCP and the GMD
GMD
CCP The CCP as Being Greatly Influenced by the Comintern and the Soviet Union
Chapter Two
Development of the United Front and the Nature of the Relationship Between the CCP and the GMD - Equal Partners or Subordination?
Nature of the Early Relationship Under Lenin & Sun
Changes Under Stalin
Wider Foreign Policy Thinking
Stalin V. Trotsky
The Role of the CCP and the Left GMD in Their Downfall
Comintern as an Arm of Stalin
Comintern Sentencing the CCP to Death in 1927
Chapter Three
Other Reasons For the Failure of the United Front
Peasant and Agrarian Question - Getting Down to the 'Rice Roots'
The Role of Chiang Kai-shek
No Military Forces and the Naivety of the CCP
From the Paper "The CCP was a tiny party during this time barely claiming a thousand members in 1923, due to it only having been established in 1921 in Shanghai. Then, it was no more than a grouping of radical intellectuals who having been influenced greatly by the May Fourth Movement, wanted to see further and greater change and reform in Chinese society and who regarded that the best way to achieve this would be to form a communist party. The CCP if united with the GMD could gain more members and grow from its humble size and it would also gain the prestige of affiliation with the famous Sun Yat-sen who was regarded as the father of China's Republic and the cooperation of his organization."
Abstract This paper discusses the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) "general line" (zongluxian) for "socialist construction" (shehui zhuyi jianshe) which emerged during a period in which the initial years of the transitional phase of "socialist transformation" were proving some considerable success. It examines how the period of so-called "socialist transformation" of China during 1953 to 1956 represents a reasonably stable and successful phase of the ongoing revolution carried forward by the CCP. It looks at the progress that was made in the spheres of agricultural production, heavy industry and mining,and the expansion of education facilities.
From the Paper "Soviet norms of development are reiterated by Li throughout his speech and, on the whole, this is not at all surprising. Following the period of reconstruction, the phase of socialist transformation (1953-1956) is perhaps best characterised by the consistency with which the majority of the CCP leadership subscribed to those norms. Borrowing from the Soviet Union was also reflected in the extent of practical Russian participation in the form of financial aid and scientific and technological guidance. In 1955, Li announced the start of 694 "above-norm" construction projects, stating that a core of 156 of these were Russian-designed; in fact, many of the projects were not only designed in the Soviet Union, but also managed and run by Russians in China or Russian-trained Chinese."
Abstract In the wake of the intellectual revolution in China, one major political event developed as a result of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917, namely, the rise of the Communist Party, which played a major role in shaping the course of the contemporary history of China. This paper looks at the challenges faced by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Kuomintang (KMT). It examines the influence of Mao Tse Tung and the international influences of Mao and the CCP. The paper includes a full introduction and conclusion.
From the Paper "Though deeply committed to international communism, Mao and the CCP were national communists at heart and were keenly aware of China's place in the international arena. Most importantly, the Soviet Union promoted China's interests by allowing her to play a major role in the affairs of Asia, one being Peking as the site for the Asian and Australasian Trade Union Conference in 1949. China's relations with other Asian states also reflected her intense drive for leadership in Asia in such countries as Korea and Vietnam. In regard to non-communist states such as India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Burma, Laos and Cambodia, the CCP attempted to neutralize them by expressing a mutual respect for each other's territory and sovereignty, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in each other's domestic affairs, an equality of relationships and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence."
Abstract This paper introduces the political agenda of the Reform era in ensuring Chinese Communist Party control. It further reviews the economic approaches, effects on Chinese outlook and urban dual-economy of the CCP. This paper concludes by noting how Reform is definitely not about democratization, just as it does not demonstrate a socialist model but a strategic CCP retention of control.
From the Paper "The Reform era marked the end of ultra-leftist influence in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in several policies enabling private sector industrial and trading activities, modernized banking and finance, and an ambitious agenda of agrarian reform. Higher income levels, consumerism and greater social mobility did take form in the People's Republic of China. (PRC) A 'mixed' economy benefited some groups, as others lagged behind, amid sweeping changes allowing the CCP to maintain its political authority."
Abstract A paper discussing all aspects of China being admitted into the World Trade Organization in 2001 after having been denied entry repeatedly in the past. Discussion includes China's expectation of being one of the main powers in the WTO after the United States and Europe. One of the main advantages discussed is the financial impact of globalization on China's labor force.
From the Paper "China is expected to become one of the main entities in the World Trade Organization, next to the United States and Europe. Besides becoming the dominant power in Asia, what this also means for China is that they could possibly see their unemployment rate surge if imports from member nations are now allowed to flood the market. Becoming the dominant power in Asia could be a direct result of China's entrance into the World Trade Organization. Some of the many advantages of growth and development for China now that they are involved in free trade and globalization through the World Trade Organization are quite varied."
Abstract Discusses U.S. economic & military support of Chiang Kai-Shek. Factors that contributed to the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over the Nationalist regime of Chiang in 1949. Growing tensions between the U.S. and the People's Republic of China. Korean War policy decisions. Historical background of Nationalist-Communist struggle.
From the Paper "KOREA AND AMERICAN SUPPORT OF CHIANG KAI-SHEK: SETTING THE PATTERN OF POST-1949 CHINESE-AMERICAN CONFLICT
This research paper traces and analyzes the factors which contributed to the victory in 1949 of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over the Nationalist (Kuomintang) regime of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Chiang) and to the worsening tensions between the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) between 1949 and the end of the Korean War.
Many indigenous and exogenous factors influenced the outcome of the Chinese civil war of 1946-1949. The most important of these were the chaotic conditions which prevailed within China and the Japanese invasion and occupation of the mainland. The CCP achieved in the early postwar period decisive military and political superiority over a weakened and corrupt Nationalist ..."
Abstract The writer looks closely at the events that began in May 1958, when the leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Liu Shao-ch?i, announced a "Great Leap Forward" (dayuejin) in which China would "overtake Britain in iron and steel and other major industrial production in fifteen or more years". The paper traces the disastrous effects of this decision.
From the Paper "The movement launched as the Great Leap Forward did not have the backing and support of the whole Party, but was initiated and promoted by its chairman, Mao Tse-tung, with the blessings of a largely radical faction within the Party. Because of the opposition he had encountered from his own colleagues within the Party leadership, Mao had spent January of 1958 travelling around China gathering the support instead of provincial party secretaries and cadres. The leading provincial cadres of East China met in Hangchow and, at the end of the month, those of South China met in Nanning. At both conferences Mao gained support for his "Sixty Points on Working Methods" and was followed in March by a similar demonstration of support for his line at a conference in Chengtu."
Abstract This paper studies the reasons behind as well as the effects on society of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) land reform policy of the early 1950s. It examines how, when the Communist Party came to power in China in 1949, it became evident that there would finally be a complete overhaul of government policies. It also analyzes how land reform in a predominantly agriculturally based economy was essential to the creation of a new social order and the eradication of the previous Qing and Guomindang elements.
From the Paper "The living conditions and quality of life for many peasants before land reform, or Liberation were certainly very low. This gave the Communist Party a distinct advantage; most peasants had nothing to lose, and the idea of a society that would empower the exploited classes should prove immediately popular. However, there were setbacks. Although the peasants had nothing to lose, landlords, wealthy peasants and people related to the Guomindang were extremely worried, and this resulted in many people fleeing, to Hong Kong in particular. Many peasants were reluctant to join the revolution, being fearful of retribution should the Guomindang come back into power. They had never been involved in political life before, did not understand Marxist ideology, and could not perceive the class struggles within which they were told they were caught up. For this reason it was necessary to raise their class consciousness, a daunting task since peasants were mostly badly educated. Educated people who might be able to understand the Communist Party's social policies were often unwilling to wait around and find out the outcomes of these policies."
