Abstract This paper discusses how the failure of the U.S. to intervene against the Cuban Revolution of the 1950s helped Castro succeed in overthrowing the Batista government and instituting a Communist regime on the island. It argues that it was not just the failure of the U.S. to intervene when Castro came to power, but its failure to intervene during his rise to power that helped him succeed.
From the Paper "The United States was not completely happy with Castro's predecessor, Fulgencio Batista. But Batista's government, nonetheless, had arrested Castro on July 26, 1953, when Castro had already failed in an attempt to conquer a government barracks in Santiago de Cuba in Oriente province, a large and important area. Castro was then imprisoned on the Isle of Pines. Castro was released, however, two years later. The years in prison left him more eager than before to reform government in Cuba."
Abstract This paper explores the political, social, and economic factors that led to Fidel Castro's revolution in Cuba. The paper first describes the rightist rule of Fulgencio Batista and his brutal and unfair treatment of the population. The paper then explains how leftist movements are reactions to massive inequities in the economic, social and political structure within a nation. In light of this information, the paper then explains why Castro's promise of democracy and social equity succeeded in appealing to the masses and how this led to his successful revolution.
From the Paper "From 1962, Cuba has been politically aligned with the archetypal Soviet Communist political structure. Under the singular leadership of Fidel Castro, Cuba turned from just another North American / Western European playground of excesses that so much of the Caribbean has become to a violently anti-American communist nation directly aligned with the Soviet Union and simultaneously the biggest failure and success in the political life of President John F. Kennedy. Cuba has taken on many roles over the course of the past several centuries. First, it was a stopping point prior to landing in the U.S. for slave ships, then it became the location where the U.S.S. Maine was supposedly sunk by Spanish saboteurs which led to the U.S. involvement in the Spanish American war, then it became an industrialist / capitalist haven where the raw materials of the Caribbean and the moral corruption of gambling, prostitution, drugs, and organized crime were the rule of the day. Then, with the people of Cuba increasingly disconnected from the wealth their land was generating, disenfranchised from within their own government, and led by a young and charismatic farmer, Fidel Castro, overthrew the pro-U.S. government and replaced it with a Leftist ideology that purported to be dedicated to the people."
Abstract In this article, the writer researches the political developments in Cuba during the Eisenhower administration. The writer looks at how the Eisenhower administration viewed and reacted to political developments in Cuba during the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower. The writer notes that the relationship between the United States and Cuba changed under the leadership of Dwight Eisenhower for many reasons, which include the fact that during the Eisenhower administration the United States had begun with a plot to overthrow Fidel Castro's leadership in Cuba. Further, the writer points out that there are certainly other factors that were key to many of the policies and decisions made by the administration during the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower and that all of those cannot be within the scope of the present work. However, the writer notes that it is clear that economic drivers were largely calculated into U.S. policy during the time of Eisenhower's presidency. These were characterized by nuclear arms creation and buildup and communist threats arising throughout the globe. Furthermore, the writer concludes that the proximity of Cuba and the association with communist forces played a great role in the decision-making process in Washington.
Outline:
Objective
Introduction
American Interests in Cuba Defined
The Background of Dwight D. Eisenhower
The Background of Fidel Castro
Economic Reasons Castro Gained Support in the Revolt
American Policy Toward Cuba - Assistance to Batista Fidel Castro's Revolt Ousts Batista Bilateral Attack Launched on Castro by the U.S.
Bay of Pigs Invasion
Analysis and Discussion
Summary and Conclusion
From the Paper "Eisenhower's form of leadership was one that delegated responsibility, appearing as though he was not making key decisions and working only behind the scenes. The Domestic Policy of Eisenhower one a middle of the road policy balancing the freedom of the individual with the needs demanded in consideration of the whole nation as well. Eisenhower did not believe in intervention on a federal level of economic or social aspects and stressed the balancing of the budget. During the Eisenhower administration the welfare state experienced growth and social security was provisioned to 10 million more than previously and minimum wage was raised as well. The Department of Health, Education and Welfare was created and the polio vaccine was distributed. During the Eisenhower administration the highway system came into being along with the Interstate Highway and Defense System Act of 1956 with 42,000 miles of interstate funded through fuel and vehicle taxes. Job growth was stimulated as the trucking and automobile industries fought for laws and up sprang the fast food and motel industries which accelerated the growth of suburbs and a homogeneous national culture simultaneously. It was the fear of Eisenhower that defense spending of massive proportions would result in an unstable economy and development of a military industrial complex."
This paper discusses that the dynamics of the Cuban Revolution were determined by conditions under Batista and not by any political theory adopted by Castro in Oriente.
2,500 words (approx. 10 pages), 0 sources, 1972, $ 63.95
From the Paper "The Cuban Revolution did not begin with Fidel Castro; rather it began in the dire condition of the Cuban people and nation under the rule of Fulgencio Batista.
Uprisings, time and again, were crushed; slave revolts were overwhelmed by gun and cannon; the many wars for liberty in the nineteenth century were prelude to this armed landing and the contemporary brave work that had been going on underground since the Dictator Batista had overthrown the republic in 1953 in a palace revolt. He was aided by big-time American money that regarded him as the best guarantor of their enormous investments and profits - well over a billion dollars in holdings were the stake. And seven black years of a repression were clamped down upon the country by this Caribbean ... "
Abstract Since World War II developing countries in South America have been provided with the option of adopting one of three different economic development strategies-- structuralism, neo-liberalism, and Marxism. This essay examines the economic and political results engendered by each approach and determines what these results suggest for future economic policy choices in the region. Three countries lend themselves to this analysis. Cuba, since the overthrow of the Batista regime and the establishment of Castro's Marxist government, has pursued economic development along Marxist lines. In Argentina a structuralist economic order under Juan Peron gave way to a neo-liberalist orientation. In Chile, a neo-liberal experiment between 1974 and 1990 took place and this experiment has led to structural change in the national economy.
From the Paper "Under Raul Alfonsin and the Radical Party, efforts to reconcile democratization with rapid development and social justice were largely frustrated by a succession of failed stabilization plans (Smith, 1991). A catastrophic economic collapse led to a convincing victory by Peronist Carlos Menem in the May 1989 presidential contest. This ushered in a wave of neoliberal, free market reforms designed to restructure the Argentine economy along the lines of a so-called Washington Consensus (Smith, 1999). In essence, Menem rejected the structuralist, populist, and statist postulates defended by Peronism since the 1940s."
Abstract There are two views, as with any conflict or issue, on the reasons and reactions of the major players in the Cuban Missile Crisis that took place at the end of October 1962. The crisis pitted two world powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, against each other in what many describe as the closest the world has come to World War III and a nuclear holocaust. This paper examines the background of the crisis from the Cuban/Soviet point of view in depth. Towards the end of the paper, the United States' perspective of the crisis is discussed.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Background
Upheaval in Cuba - the Bay of Pigs
The Cuban Missile Crisis
The Beginning of Hostilities
The United States Perspective
From the Paper "The account from the Cuban point-of-view paints Kennedy as a man obsessed with removing Castro from Cuba. In Robert Kennedy's memoir, he portrays his brother as someone eager to get the missiles out in a peaceful fashion. Kennedy was in favor of the blockade, despite the advice that this was a weak response and that military action was in order. Among those dissenting was Senator J. William Fullbright of Arkansas. Schlesinger points out that the Soviets were no match for the United States, a point made continually from the Cuban point-of-view; however the take of the this fact is spun differently on the American side. If Kennedy had been completely set on ridding Cuba of Castro, he could have used the Soviet deployment to invade and overthrow Castro's regime. Instead the two Kennedy brothers led the fight against invasion in favor of a peaceful solution."
Tags: Fidel, Castro, General, Batista, Eisenhower, Khrushchev
Abstract Examines negative and positive aspects of his life, biographical facts, the revolutionary movement to oust the reactionary Batista government, Castro's social and educational programs, and the impact of failure of Soviet Union.
From the Paper "In 1959 Fidel Castro became Cuba's political leader and a symbol of communist revolution in Latin America when he ousted the reactionary Batista government, and turned Cuba into the first Communist country in the Western Hemisphere. This paper will ..."
Abstract The question of whether or not Fidel Castro was a communist when he assumed power of Cuba in 1959 has been a debated issue over the last 40 years. Upon examination of his life and his time of power, however, it is clear that Castro was not a communist in 1959. This paper examines the life of Fidel Castro, and shows that while his associations at the time may have been communist, Castro himself was not.
From the Paper "Fidel Castro was born on a sugar plantation in the Oriente province of Cuba in 1926. Coming from a family of plantation owners, Castro worked the family sugar cane fields throughout his youth. Additionally, Castro attended the Colegio Lasalie and the Colegio Dolores, both Jesuit institutions. In 1942, Castro entered the Colegio Belen, a Jesuit prep school, and obtained a law doctorate from the University of Havana in 1950 ("Castro, Fidel", online)."
Abstract This paper describes the life, poetry and politics of Puerto Rican political activist, Juan Antonio Corretjer. The paper also describes and analyzes some of Corretjer's writings and explains how they reflected Corretjer's political ideology as well as his infatuation with the beauty of Puerto Rico.
From the Paper "Juan Antonio Corretjer was born March 3, 1908 into a very political family. His father and uncles were involved in the Ciales Uprising in 1898, which protested the United States occupation of Puerto Rico. Corretjer was introduced to politics early in his life, when he accompanied his father and uncles to political rallies (Wikipedia). His political career continued in elementary school, when Corretjer joined the Literary Society of Jose Gautier Benitez, which was later renamed the Nationalist Youth ("Juan Antonio Correjter"). By eighth grade, Corretjer had more fully assimilated the beliefs of his family and was already demonstrating the beginnings of his career as a political activist; he organized a student protest against American authority in his town (Wikipedia). As result, Corretjer was expelled from school. In fact, Corretjer was not permitted to attend any schools in his municipality. Instead, he had to go to school in Vega Baja."
Tags: cuba, anti-batista, independence, pedro, albizu, campos, nationalist, leader, secretary, general, party
Abstract This paper discusses Juan Bosch, a leader who played a central role in shaping the modern Dominican Republic, a teacher of politics to generations and a prolific writer of works of fiction, history and politics, who was known for his humanism and as an advocate of democracy. The author points out that Bosch got deeply involved in Cuban politics and even became personal secretary to President Carlos Prio Socarras, which led to his having to flee Cuba in 1952 when Fulgencio Batista overthrew Prio. The paper stresses that Juan Bosch was first and foremost a humanist, who was interested in all aspects of human interest and welfare as clearly reflected in his writings that did not merely dwell on the miserable plight of the rural poor but also reflected on the materialism and hypocrisy of the upper classes.
Table of Contents
Childhood Influences
Early Adulthood
Years in Exile
Juan Bosch, the Writer
Juan Bosch, the Political Leader
From the Paper "Yet, Bosch suffered the perception that he had pro-communist leanings at several points in time. In fact, he was even jailed in Cuba in July 1952, with Communist leaders. In jail, the communists tried to get him to work on behalf of the Guatemalan regime, but he told them "he was an anti-communist out of conviction...and that therefore he could not be bought." This incidence is very revealing in so much that it proves that Juan Bosch was a person with integrity and had the courage of his convictions. More important, it reveals that while Bosch may have been concerned with the problems of the rural class and working poor, he did not believe that communism could solve their problems. On the contrary, he was a firm believer in democratic principles, which is reflected very clearly in his writings as well as in the decisions he took during his long political career."
Abstract Che's post-"Motorcycle Diaries" life as a revolutionary is reviewed from his first encounter with resistance in Guatemala to his successful revolt in Cuba to his execution in Bolivia. Topics including Che's beliefs and ideologies, his revolution attempts and the immediate and indirect effects of his actions are explored through Che's own writings and a host of factual and opinionated reviews from Che's time to the present day. After thorough review of the topic, a look is taken at the range of contemporary opinion held about Che and specific viewpoints are highlighted. Finally, a conclusion is drawn in comparison and contrast to contemporary views, finding that Che's intentions were indeed admirable, however the effect of his efforts was sub-par.
From the Paper "Che believed that for capitalism to be crushed, a complete social revolution, a worldwide uprising and cooperative movement of the working class would be necessary: "it must be defeated in a world confrontation" ("Che":Wikiquote). As later revealed in a public speech in the Algers, Che also believed that unless the soviets and other major communist powers were prepared to give unconditional support to reforming third-world countries (resulting in a loss for their own countries) they were no better than the profit-seeking imperialists themselves (Che 127). Making this particular speech worsened his relations with Russia (James 131), then allies of Cuba, but stands as testament to Che's unwillingness to curb his beliefs against the powerful, even if it meant scrutinizing allies. Necessary to fighting for a good cause is the unwillingness to compromise that cause."
