Abstract This paper discusses that the formation of ASEAN as prompted by the neoliberal paradigm and directed by the U.S. and Japan rather than by the ASEAN member nations. The author points out that, although it was established to increase regionalization in Southeast Asia, ASEAN was actually used by the U.S. to stop the spread of Communism and by Japan to provide raw materials for its manufacturing. The paper relates that the ASEAN nations were caught in the global power structure; therefore, ASEAN has benefited the superpowers more than the countries that make it up.
From the Paper "A study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN provides an excellent window into the interrelationships between the United States, Japan and the ASEAN's member countries."
Tags: international, Asean, flying geese, FDI, Plaza Accord, capitalism, communism, regionalism, industrialization, globalization, containment, Japan, U.S., hegemony, human rights, neoliberalism
Abstract The writer looks briefly at the history of the ASEAN and discusses the Association's objectives. In this article, ASEAN conflict resolution methods are compared to those of traditional diplomatic methods. The writer considers why ASEAN diplomacy is better for the dispute between China and Philippines over the Spratly Islands.
From the Paper "The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established in Bangkok by the five original Member Countries, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. It has since been joined by Brunei, Darussalam, Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia. The objectives of ASEAN are to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region, through joint endeavors and to do so in the spirit of partnership, to strengthen the foundation for a prosperous and peaceful community of Southeast Asian nations. It promotes regional peace and stability through ... "
Abstract This paper deals withs the issue of economic cooperation and integration within the framework of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The opportunities and challenges facing Vietnam in its regional economic cooperation and integration are also discussed.
Outline
Introduction
ASEAN and the Issue of Economic Integration
ASEAN Mechanisms
ASEAN Developments
ASEAN Free Trade Agreement - A Vehicle for Economic Cooperation and Integration
VIETNAM and AFTA
Vietnam's Present Economic Situation
Vietnam and ASEAN Economic Relations
Opportunities and Challenges Facing Vietnam
Conclusion
From the Paper "Industrialization and modernization of Vietnam's economy is a paramount goal pursued by the government. Industry is a crucial sector that has nearly doubled its output from 1991-1997, while recent growth rates have been in the 10-15% a year range. Billions of dollars have been invested in industrial foreign direct investment, and manufactured exports have grown rapidly, albeit from low bases. In an unusual development that is consistent with the goal of the government, most of the growth in industry came from the state sector. Growth in industrial output has exceeded 10% per year since 1991. Industry and construction together constituted 30% in 1995, compared with 23% in 1990. Similarly, the service sector has grown to 43%, compared with 39% in 1990. All of this indicates that Vietnam's economic structure has been shifting rapidly from agriculture towards industry and services."
Abstract This essay attempts to show how much ASEAN's norms have undermined its ability to face the challenges posed by Myanmar membership in the Association and hence also reduce its ability to realize the stated objectives and expectations of the membership. This is even more interesting since there is a possibility that ASEAN, with its rhetoric of embracing Myanmar in order to "democratise" it, has actually perpetuated the repressive military junta. After all, the promotion of human rights and democracy has not been one of the Association's priority. To achieve this, political, economic and security expectations and real outcome are analyzed and compared.
Introduction
ASEAN's Expectation in Engaging Myanmar
Reality after Membership
Conclusion
From the Paper "Since 1998, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has finally become truly regional by including all ten states of the region in its membership. In 1992 it accepted Viet Nam’s application, and in 1997 Laos and Myanmar joined in. Cambodia had to wait another year for membership but was finally admitted. This has been one of the vision set by its founders since its establishment in 1967 although at that time the Association was more a subregional alliance to contain the internal and external threat of communism for like-minded, anti-imperialist, anti-communist regimes, and to some extent to balance Viet Nam’s power in the region."
Abstract This paper argues that ASEAN's (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) constructive engagement has failed to meet its goals of the development of Myanmar's human rights conditions, the minimization of Chinese influence in Myanmar and the enhancement of regional cooperation among Southeast Asian nations. It also investigates the impact of constructive engagement on ASEAN's standing in international politics.
From the Paper "Beyond the superficial endorsement of human rights, rationale behind constructive engagement was more complex and pragmatic. As argued by Carey, a policy that from the outset was meant to benefit ASEAN's members first and foremost. The main motives for constructive engagement can be divided into political factors and economic factors. The major political factor in the implementation of constructive engagement was ASEAN's desire to counteract the influence of the People's Republic of China in Myanmar and to deter Myanmar from becoming China's ally. Initially, ASEAN was established as a barrier against communism in Southeast Asia. After Vietnam attained ASEAN's membership in 1995, ASEAN's policy gradually shifted to preventing Chinese hegemony in Southeast Asia."
Examines the effectiveness of an Asian coalition and how much it serves the interest of the region compared to the self-interests of the United States.
Abstract The idea for a regional block in Asia, to a large extent, was conceptualized by the United States. U.S. President Lyndon Johnson presented the ASEAN concept as an alliance of all the free nations of the Pacific and Asia and invited the Asian countries to come together in a co-operative effort to bring about economic development of the region, promising them the U.S.'s financial assistance and support. For all intents and purposes, this is what everyone believed ASEAN would accomplish at the time, including the ASEAN member nations themselves. However, the cooperative development of the nations was only the covering for the U.S.'s real agenda: to halt the progress of Communism and use the ASEAN nations and Japan as the roadblocks:
While the goal of the ASEAN member countries has been acquiring an "Asian identity" and achieving regional economic cooperation, the objective of the United States has been largely strategic in nature.
Such reality poses a number of implications for ASEAN. On one hand, it leaves ASEAN as a pawn for the United States and its allies, making the possibility of upholding real ASEAN interests difficult in the face of a hegemon's (the United States) interests. In addition, it also renders the concept of ASEAN regionalism in question because of the massive outside influence that it is vulnerable to under U.S. "guidance."
This leaves the question of whether ASEAN is truly a Southeast Asian regional block or not. Thus, as this essay argues, ASEAN although originally intended to be an organization that upholds Asian regionalism and reduce dependence on foreign powers and markets, was intentionally used by the United States and its allies to uphold their own political and economic interests - the industrialization of Japan within a neoliberal paradigm and the expansion of U.S. ideals to counter the communist treat, among others - in Asia and the rest of the world.
In order to prove this point, the paper first provides the theoretical foundations of its thesis using the theories of Structural Power and Hegemony. The next section then provides an analysis of the roles that the U.S. and its main ally, Japan, played in the development of ASEAN and the effect of their influence in ASEAN. China's role and effect in ASEAN are also discussed. The paper then provides a historical account of the development of ASEAN to show the facts that support the case. The next section then sketches the future of ASEAN. The essay ends with concluding remarks. It includes figures and graphs.
Paper Outline:
Introduction
Theoretical Foundations of U.S. Influence in ASEAN The Role of the US
The Role of Japan
The Role of China
Three Contesting Powers
ASEAN Evolution in the Face of a Global Power Structure
Cooperation in the State of Turmoil (1967-1984)
The Birth of ASEAN in 1967
Vietnam Policy and ASEAN ASEAN and the Promotion of Asian Capitalism
The Cambodia Crisis
Cooperation in the Age of Growth (1985-1996)
The Plaza Accord
Flying Geese Model
Economic Cooperation
Cooperation in the Age of Crisis and Recovery (1997-2005)
The Asian Financial Crisis
The IMF in ASEAN ASEAN+3
China: A Potential Regional Rival
Japan's Assistance Measures
Post 9-11 Security: ASEAN as a Pawn of U.S. Policy
The Future of ASEAN The Evolution of Cooperation between ASEAN and Japan
ASEAN and the G3 Bloc
Human Rights Issues Facing ASEAN Toward a Regional Community
Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper "ASEAN was founded in 1967 to deepen economic interaction and cooperation within the region. When it was first formed, the ASEAN member nations intended it to draw them together into a unified regionalist entity that would reduce dependence on foreign powers, particularly economically. The member nations were third world countries that had up to that time relied heavily on foreign markets, and one of the goals of regionalism was to combine the resources of the countries and convert them from five individual weak entities into one strong entity capable of standing on its own."
An exploration of the development of relations between the European Union and Association of South East Nations from the perspective of the dependency theory.
Abstract The paper examines the relationship between the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), where the EU represents the "center" (dominant) states and ASEAN - the "periphery" (dependent) states. The paper attempts to determine whether the policies the richer nations develop really contribute to overcoming the inequality. The paper provides a brief introduction to the dependency theory and examines the argument that the free trade agreement both parties are pursuing is more beneficial to the EU than to the ASEAN. The paper comes to the conclusion that while the EU's policies are obviously aimed at protection of its own interests, the ASEAN has a lot to learn from the EU experience and should continue its cooperation with the EU. The paper includes graphs as appendices.
Outline:
Introduction
The Dependency Theory
Applying the Dependency Theory to the EU-ASEAN relations
Conclusion
From the Paper "Modern processes of world development bring the relationships between the countries to a new dimension. After the collapse of the colonial system arose a problem of relations between industrially developed and developing countries. Initially, their cooperation was interpreted as economic support to young independent states, but soon the striking division between "rich" and "poor" countries became a real vector of confrontation in the 21st century. With the spread of education and demographic growth, the international equity issue expects "richer nations develop more comprehensive, more cooperative and more planned policies towards poorer parts of the world." The question is whether the policies the "richer nations" develop really contribute to overcoming the inequality issue."
There are many conceptual definitions of "economic integration" and the one chosen for this paper is that economic integration occurs when nationalistic concerns of an economy are set aside to integrate the economy more fully into the world economy.
Such a definition implies and confirms that the world has become so global that individual nations can no longer be allowed to maintain independent economic activities without consideration of the impact of those activities on other nations. This attitude was well expressed by Thai Deputy Foreign Minister Sukhumbhand Paribatra at a recent meeting of the annual East Asia Economic Summit: "East Asia and Southeast Asia must reject the temptation to seek individual salvation, because none of us can ..."
Abstract This essay critically evaluates the Copenhagen School's views on the securitization of issues. The author recognizes the difference between Ole Waever's opinion -- which sees securitization as all too negative -- and Jap de Wilde's -- which can see its positive impact. While not quite persuaded by the adverse impact of securitization, she acknowledges the advantage of desecuritizing some cases. Cases used as examples are the South China Sea conflict and the ASEAN forest fires.
From the Paper "Security problems, defined by Waever, are developments that threaten the sovereignty or independence of a state in a particularly rapid or dramatic fashion, and deprive it of the capacity to manage by itself. Seeing security in a traditional way, Waever asserts that the dire impacts caused by these kinds of developments then justify the state to take any action that is beyond the normal political practice of the concerned state. The state can claim a special right to mobilize maximum effort to protect its sovereignty. This view on who is the actor and what is the referent object then undergoes a slight shift in the 1998 work in which the society and its identity also becomes the other important referent object."
Abstract Discusses major maritime issues and potential armed conflicts among ASEAN nations. Arms race and growth of Chinese naval power. Chinese economy. The Spateley Islands issue of the South China Sea; their strategic importance to maritime trade. Conflict over the status of Taiwan. Korean Penisula conflict. Outlook for peace and stability of the Asia Pacific region.
From the Paper "Current Maritime Issues/Conflict in Asia Pacific Region
This research paper outlines and discusses the major maritime issues and potential armed conflicts in the Asia Pacific region, their implications and the outlook for regional peace and security, with particular relevance to ASEAN nations. The ASEAN nations now include Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
1. Arms Race and Growth in Chinese Naval Power
The Asia Pacific region is one of the most heavily armed regions of the world. The United States is the world's leading military superpower. China (the PRC) has had nuclear weapons since the 1960s and the largest army in the world. Japan could easily become a nuclear power and its Self-Defense forces, particularly its air force and navy, are formidable. The military..."
Abstract This paper discusses the expansion strategies of Global Energy as it contemplates entering the Indonesian market. It bases this discussion on the examination of an alternative energy product. The paper focuses on the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) trading bloc. It briefly examines the relevant trading blocs with which Global Energy must either maintain relationships or establish relationships. It describes compliance and financial issues and describes issues related to venture capital and joint venture.
From the Paper "Trade Transactions
Global Energy's petroleum related products are highly sought after all ASEAN member countries as well as regional non-members have expressed a deep interest in sourcing petroleum products through a regional producer."
"Financing Sources
Financing the Indonesian project is a major undertaking even for a company with the size and scope of Global Energy. The importance of making the proper choice in financing strategies cannot be understated as the choice of financing can determine the success or failure and the profitability or loss of the overall project."
Abstract The paper explores the current issues and brings to light their implications and the outlook for regional peace and security, with particular relevance to ASEAN nations. The ASEAN nations now include Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
The paper finds that peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region is threatened by an enormous buildup of armed forces on the continent.
From the Paper "The Asia Pacific region is one of the most heavily armed regions of the world. The United States is the world's leading military superpower. China (the PRC) has had nuclear weapons since the 1960s and the largest army in the world. Japan could easily become a nuclear power and its Self-Defense forces, particularly its air force and navy, are formidable. The military presence of the Russians in the region has considerably receded since 1990, but they are a major source of high technology weaponry for the PRC. North Korea has a heavily armed standing army of over one million and is an incipient nuclear power. South Korea has strong conventional forces. Taiwan has been arming in self-defense as have the smaller ASEAN nations."
Provides a brief historical overview of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); analyzes the present organization, details the major security, economic, social & organizational concerns within the organization; & discusses future directions.
3,825 words (approx. 15.3 pages), 23 sources, 1998, $ 135.95
From the Paper "THE ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS
Introduction
In 1997, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) celebrated its thirtieth year of existence. Normally, when a government organization reaches a 30-year point, it is the cause for reflection -- both internally as the group evaluates its original goals and sets plans for the next decades, and externally, when the press and other governments analyze the group's shortcomings. This paper will perform much of that same function.
Part 1 will provide a brief historical overview of ASEAN. Part 2 will analyze the present organization. Part 3 will detail the major security, economic, social and organizational concerns and conflicts apparent in the organization. Part 4 will look.."
From the Paper "Examines definition, purposes, goals, ASEAN model, economic theory, problems and recommendations. We are not the first city to face this particular matter, and the experience in St. Louis is especially cogent to our current situation, for that city undertook a lengthy and costly legal battle against the Hooters chain and found it nearly impossible to stop the opening of the restaurant. At the same time, community concerns were evident throughout, though there were odd political alliances for and against the restaurant. We should expect the same sort of problems here."
Abstract Securitization has been described as an all-embracing, inflated concept dealing with all kinds of threats to the existence, well-being or development of individuals, social groups, nations and mankind. This essay critically evaluates the Copenhagen School's views on the securitization of issues. The author recognizes the difference between Ole Waever's opinion -- which sees securitization as negative -- and Jap de Wilde's -- which can see its positive impact. While not quite persuaded by the adverse impact of securitization, the author acknowledges the advantage of desecuritizing some cases. Cases used as examples are the South China Sea conflict and the ASEAN forest fires.
From the Paper "Security problems, defined by Waever, are developments that threaten the sovereignty or independence of a state in a particularly rapid or dramatic fashion, and deprive it of the capacity to manage by itself. Seeing security in a traditional way, Waever asserts that the dire impacts caused by these kinds of developments then justify the state to take any action that is beyond the normal political practice of the concerned state. The state can claim a special right to mobilize maximum effort to protect its sovereignty. This view on who is the actor and what is the referent object then undergoes a slight shift in the 1998 work in which the society and its identity also becomes the other important referent object."
