Abstract In December 1996, the Oakland School Board decided that it was going to accept and recognize Ebonics, or what is known as African-American Vernacular English (AAVE), as a valid dialect and would use it in teaching African-American children. This paper examines the linguistic controversy surrounding this decision, showing the pros of using AAVE in schools across the United States.
From the Paper "AAVE is a fact of life and it is creating a linguistic and cultural disunity in the United States by allowing teachers to stereotype black students and by ensuring that black students do not acquire Standard English fluency. The introduction of AAVE as a tool language of instruction simply means accepting that fact of life and using it to correct current problems facing African Americans in the educational system." Educational psychologists, such as William Labov, have determined that the primary obstacle to academic progress for most African American students is their inability to fully understand what is communicated to them or, in turn, communicate what they are thinking in a dialect that teachers can comprehend (10)."
Abstract African American Vernacular English (AAVE) is the dialect of English used by most African-Americans in familiar and informal settings . Although the language spoken by African-Americans in different parts of the United States exhibits some regional variation, the dialect has fairly uniform characteristics. It has a well-formed grammar and an interesting, though controversial, history. Dismissed as 'bad English' by some, it has evoked considerable debate interest among academics and linguists many of whom recognize its importance, especially as a medium of instruction for the African-Americans. This paper explores the origins of AAVE, discusses whether the dialect is a creole, investigates its similarity with other creoles and examines its grammar.
From the Paper "There is some controversy about the origin of AAVE. Some people believe that the Black people, who were brought to America as slaves, picked up English from the 'English-speaking' Southerners they came in contact with. The proponents of this theory, also known as the dialect hypothesis, note that the AAVE and the English spoken by the American Southerners have many features in common, such as the Southern Vowel Shift, vowel lowering, and double modals. (Sidnell, background) The theory contends that the white Southerners in the 17th century spoke a distinct "Virginian" dialect that had its origins in a family of regional dialects spoken in the south and west of England in counties such as Sussex, Surrey, Hampshire, Dorset, Devon, Wiltshire, Oxford and Gloucester during the 17th century. (Williams, 24) Although the use of such a dialect in polite conversation quickly disappeared in England by the end of the 18th century, most of its characteristics persisted in the American South. According to this theory, the 'incorrect' English picked up by the Blacks from the Southern whites was passed down through subsequent generations. In other words, this theory (also known as the 'dialect hypothesis') about the origins of AAVE contends that the present form of the dialect is simply "bad English" and has nothing to do with the native, Western African languages of the slaves. In answer to the question as to why this type of English does not currently exist among its originators, the proponents of this theory argue that most people avoid using "bad" English when they get educated. They contend that the Englishmen from the south and west counties of Britain and the white Southerners discontinued the use of such an 'incorrect' form of English after being educated; the African Americans continued to persist with such 'bad' as they did not benefit from similar education. (Ibid.)"
Abstract This paper provides examples of the differences between standard English and African American Vernacular English (AAVE). It explains the development and history of this language and explores how it has been taught and passed down to the next generation. It also examines the roots and origins of AAVE and asks what the future holds.
From the Paper "There are a couple of theories as to the origin of African American Vernacular Englsh (AAVE). Some linguists believe that the language derives from West African languages. This dialect theory is based on the knowledge that most African Americans who were brought to the United States from Africa had to learn how to speak English by ear. The may have picked up some of the English words incorrectly and incorporated the incorrect words in their language. Another theory is called the creole hypothesis. This theory bases its origin on the thought that slaves developed the language themselves. The slaves, who came from many different countries in Africa formulated AAVE so that they may talk amongst themselves. They developed with is called a pidgin by combining words from their own language with new words from America. They used grammar and speech patterns that were known to them from their own language as well. The language was then indirectly taught, or passed on to their children and children's children. Future generations now know the AAVE language."
Abstract This paper analyzes an English dialect, the African-American Vernacular English and compares it to the Standard English. It also analyzes how and in what ways it differs from the Standard American English.
From the Paper "The African American Vernacular English, in short known as the AAVE, was previously famous as the Black English Vernacular or Vernacular Black English. Though this dialect has some very unique features but it has some common aspects that are also the part of other varieties of dialects in the U.S region. The African American Vernacular English has once been a very hot topic in the public debates as well as among the sociolinguists.
It will be quite difficult to estimate as to how many individuals speak African American English as there is a little confusion about it. some people use some unique characteristics of the pronunciation and vocabulary of this variety but they do not use the grammatical aspects of this variety. The majority of sociolinguists believe that the term of African American Vernacular English can be used only for those varieties of dialects that use the unique features of grammar which we will discuss here and compare it with the Standard American English "
Tags: vocabluary, didactic, education, primary, verbal, culture, gap
A paper on the sociology and linguistic perspectives of "The Ebonics Resolution" a Californian plan to accept African-American language as the primary language of African-American students.
Abstract The paper shows that in 1996, the Oakland School Board in California passed the "Ebonics Resolution" - a plan to accept African-American language, termed Ebonics, as the primary language of African-American students and to implement a system to teach them in their primary language as a means of assisting them to learn standard American English. The paper discusses the debate that followed involving the public and the media. It shows that while the linguistic experts in the field were in support of the Ebonics Resolution, the Resolution had a significant social impact. By comparing the meaning of the issue from a sociological and a linguistic perspective, the paper shows the real issues involved in their entirety.
From the Paper "In the Ebonics debate the part of culture involved is language, a very basic component of our society. Language is something that is taken for granted, with the belief of the general population being that the accepted language is the correct one. The social rejection of Ebonics and the rejection of accepting it as a primary language can be seen as a form of the majority group of society asserting their own belief in their superiority. This is not necessarily representing that the majority group do not want to accept others. Instead it reflects the basic principle of society assuming that the majority group is correct."
Tags: LSA, dialect, communication, AAVE, ethnic, groups
Abstract Perhaps more than any other debate in education, the study of language brings up questions of power and identity. How teachers and classmates view the home language of students and their families plays a major role in teachers' expectations and respect for a student's culture, as well as how easily the student will be able to learn and meet long-term educational goals. The paper shows that solving the complex social and economic problems in the U.S. that limit the educational opportunities of African Americans, particularly males, is not an easy task. Still, many educators are introducing new practices targeted specifically to the unique needs of this group. The paper shows that many researchers agree that one of the first steps that must be taken in advancing the educational level of African-American students is to implement Ebonics into inner city curricula. This paper examines the role of Ebonics in cultural identity in an effort to determine whether or not Ebonics should be implemented in classrooms or curricula.
From the Paper "By implementing Ebonics into school curriculums, teachers are fine-tuning the learning process towards the unique needs of African American students, rather than drilling them on the proper use of grammar and dialect. For example, teachers could use mini-lessons according to the dialect learning needs that students demonstrate. If the students agree that Standard English is appropriate for classroom interaction and for writing, lessons like these would help students reach their language development goals."
Tags: Standard, English, Proficiency, SEP, AAVE, Kwanzaa, Maat
Abstract Every variety of language spoken, even that which is known as standard English, is a dialect. Many people believe stereotypes about certain dialects and thus treat people as they perceive them to be. This paper shows that one of the most common known dialects in the United States is Ebonics, or the dialect spoken by many African Americans. There are numerous assumptions regarding this dialect by people in community and educational life. This paper shows that there are, however, many techniques teachers and other officials may incorporate into their classroom activities to help lessen dialectical stereotypes and help to raise the self-esteem and grades of the children who speak them.
Paper Outline:
Abstract
The Societal and Educational of Dialects in The United States Today
Identity and Negative Attitudes
Ebonics
Education
Conclusion
References
From the Paper "Despite the differences in the varieties of Ebonics, there are some features marked by all or most types. Ebonics has picked up many of its pronunciation from white, southern coastal dialects. This is seen especially with the use of the /r/-less word use (Bonvillain, 2003; Mufwene & Gilman, as cited by Chaika, 1994). Bonvillain (2003) and Chaika (1994) also discuss the trait of the dropping of final consonants in Ebonics. This characteristic makes rhyming words out of "field" and "wheel." Ebonics also uses the form "be" for all tenses of "am." (Chaika, 1994). Chaika (1994) gives the example of the Ebonics sentence "Do babes be willin'?" as translated to "Are babes always willing?" (p. 300)."